The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Politics (176 page)

 
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A general term used to refer to Napoleon Bonaparte's (1769–1821) part in formulating and influencing French law. As first consul in 1799, Napoleon drew up a new constitution to provide a viable governmental machine, with an administration independent from the legislature and the judiciary. This resulted in the express exclusion of the civil courts from adjudicating administrative decisions of the administration. Emerging from the Napoleonic period was the development of
Droit Administratif
(administrative law) in France. French
Droit Administratif
became a model which was followed in other countries. The court which oversees the administration in law is referred to as the
Conseil d'état
which is also a product of Napoleon's influence. The
Conseil d'état
comprises the bulk of the
élite
of French administrators, organized into four administrative structures which comprise its administrative functions. The judicial function of the
Conseil d'état
, is separate and known as the
Section du Contentrieux
which exercises the functions of
judicial review
over administrative decisions. Napoleonic law remains the foundation stone of the French legal system.
JM 

 
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Literally, ‘populist’. Supporter of the Russian revolutionary organization Narodnaya Volya (The People's Will) formed in 1879 to struggle for a socialism based upon an alliance between peasants and intellectuals and espousing terrorism (notably the assassination of Alexander II in 1881). Transformed into the Social Revolutionary Party (in 1902), the Narodniks competed with the Marxist Social Democrats for influence over the labour movement.
GS 

 
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Literally, a sovereign entity dominated by a single nation. A mythical and intellectual construct with a highly persuasive and powerful political force. It is the primary unit in the study of international relations. Yet although it has a specific meaning it is also a highly abused political term, especially when too readily applied to the ‘real’ world. Its meaning is found in the coincidence of its two parent terms, ‘state’ and ‘nation’. ‘State’ refers to the political organization that displays
sovereignty
both within geographic borders and in relation to other sovereign entities. A world of nation-states implies an international system of pure sovereign entities, relating to each other legally as equals. ‘Nation’ refers rather to the population within, sharing a common culture, language, and ethnicity with a strong historical continuity. This manifests itself in most members in a sentiment of collective, communal identity. When the two concepts, ‘nation’ and ‘state’ are combined, this creates an enormously compelling mixture of legitimacy and efficiency for governing élites.
Unfortunately, there does not exist, has never existed, a nation-state in the perfect sense. Nevertheless, it has commanded a strong following, as governments have endeavoured to attain the legitimacy and political stability it brings. It was used most effectively in the nation-building of the nineteenth century, and has been the target more recently of many Third World governments hoping to build nations in support of their states as part of their socio-economic development. A common strategy of élites in building a sense of internal cohesiveness is in creating strong enemy images from outside or within the society. It is often this feature that causes dynamic instability for nation-states in the world system.
The later part of the twentieth century has witnessed a decline in the power of the ‘nation-states’, as other bodies gain power in international relations, bodies such as large multinational corporations, international organizations, and other collectivities. The rise of supranationalism, most clearly in the
European Union
, could well make the simple model of single-level sovereignty implied by the nation-state even more irrelevant. So could the problem of extranational minorities (such as Germans outside Germany, and Hungarians outside Hungary). For comparison, see also
nationalism
.
PI 

 
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Extreme right-wing movement, formed in 1972 by Jean-Marie Le Pen , ex- Poujadist and militant supporter of a French Algeria. It had no success until the socialists formed an administration in 1981, after which it benefited from the subsequent shift of opinion back to the right at local by-elections in 1983, followed by European elections in 1984, and legislative elections in 1986, when the introduction of proportional representation and a vote of around 10 per cent ensured the return of a sizeable group of deputies. In the 1988 presidential contest Le Pen's support averaged over 14 per cent nationally, more in large industrial centres where unemployment was high, and in the Mediterranean departments with large concentrations of North African immigrants. The Front's rise has been attributed to Le Pen's vigorous style and his simplistic solutions for the country's problems. It has skilfully exploited a small number of issues, notably race, security, and unemployment, scapegoating the immigrant population. Le Pen has worked to present a more ‘moderate’ image, recognizing that much of his support comes from voters disappointed with the traditional parties of left and right, as well as from younger voters and those displaced by the sudden collapse of communism. While holding the balance of power in a number of regions the Front is unlikely to win the Presidency or to enter national government. Its main impact has been on the policies of other parties, prioritizing issues their leaders would have preferred to avoid.
IC 

 
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