The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Politics (95 page)
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feudalism
Feudalism was a system of society in which vassals acknowledged and fought for a lord in return for his protection for their persons and land tenure. The lord in turn paid allegiance to a king in return for his granting of their status, though this was very often a disputed relationship. Feudalism was thus a comprehensive social system which defined authority and property rights. The system as described was a model which existed to a greater or lesser extent in many parts of the world. It is most closely associated with France between the ninth and thirteenth centuries AD, but most parts of Europe experienced something like a feudal system at some stage of their history and there were similar social systems as far away as Japan. England was subjected to a strong version of the feudal system after the Norman invasion of 1066, but it was always opposed by and compromised with non-feudal English institutions.
In the developmental theories of history offered by Marx and others, feudalism is portrayed as a stage of history made necessary by the breakdown of the economic and military—political systems of antiquity, but itself necessarily spawning its successor, commercial capitalism. In vulgar parlance ‘feudal’ and ‘feudalism’ are used to describe anything reactionary, old-fashioned, or resonant of aristocratic values.
LA
In the developmental theories of history offered by Marx and others, feudalism is portrayed as a stage of history made necessary by the breakdown of the economic and military—political systems of antiquity, but itself necessarily spawning its successor, commercial capitalism. In vulgar parlance ‘feudal’ and ‘feudalism’ are used to describe anything reactionary, old-fashioned, or resonant of aristocratic values.
LA
Feuerbach , Ludwig Andreas
(1804–72)
Born in Landshut, Bavaria, the son of a distinguished jurist and administrator, Ludwig Feuerbach studied theology at Heidelberg and philosophy under
Hegel
in Berlin. His first post-doctoral published work,
Thoughts on Death and Immortality
, published in 1830, caught the attention of the police and censors and Feuerbach was barred from all future university posts. He married and moved to Bruckberg where he lived in quiet isolation and material comfort for many years. He was most productive in the 1840s, publishing
The Essence of Christianity
in 1841, as well as, somewhat later, the
Preliminary Theses for the Reform of Philosophy
and the
Foundations of the Philosophy of the Future
. These works quickly established Feuerbach as the mentor of the left-Hegelian movement. He gave that movement a common conception of philosophy as nothing but the process of human self-understanding. He also provided a clear notion of human nature in terms of
species-being
. Finally, he made possible a radical materialist critique of all religion and religious belief, in particular, perhaps, Judaism. He is little studied nowadays, but Marx's criticism of Feuerbach's philosophy in his 1845
Theses on Feuerbach
constituted the first statement of
historical materialism
.
JH
Born in Landshut, Bavaria, the son of a distinguished jurist and administrator, Ludwig Feuerbach studied theology at Heidelberg and philosophy under
Hegel
in Berlin. His first post-doctoral published work,
Thoughts on Death and Immortality
, published in 1830, caught the attention of the police and censors and Feuerbach was barred from all future university posts. He married and moved to Bruckberg where he lived in quiet isolation and material comfort for many years. He was most productive in the 1840s, publishing
The Essence of Christianity
in 1841, as well as, somewhat later, the
Preliminary Theses for the Reform of Philosophy
and the
Foundations of the Philosophy of the Future
. These works quickly established Feuerbach as the mentor of the left-Hegelian movement. He gave that movement a common conception of philosophy as nothing but the process of human self-understanding. He also provided a clear notion of human nature in terms of
species-being
. Finally, he made possible a radical materialist critique of all religion and religious belief, in particular, perhaps, Judaism. He is little studied nowadays, but Marx's criticism of Feuerbach's philosophy in his 1845
Theses on Feuerbach
constituted the first statement of
historical materialism
.
JH
Fifteenth Amendment
Fifth Amendment
One of the ten ‘Bill of Rights’ amendments (1791) to the United States Constitution, this guarantees citizens that ‘
due process
’ will be observed by governing authorities in the event of their arrest or trial. Of particular importance is the right to avoid self-incrimination (known as ‘taking the Fifth’).
SW
due process
’ will be observed by governing authorities in the event of their arrest or trial. Of particular importance is the right to avoid self-incrimination (known as ‘taking the Fifth’).
SW
Fifth Republic, French
The Fifth Republic was formed in response to a military rebellion in Algeria, in May 1958, which was directed more against the policies of the government in Paris than against the regime. Facing a protracted nationalist insurrection across the Mediterranean, the army wanted guarantees that Algeria would remain French, while opinion in France favoured a negotiated peace. The Fourth Republic could no longer command respect or authority and a crisis was avoided only by the appointment of General de Gaulle as Premier, on the understanding he would present a new constitution to the electorate for approval. The constitution of the Fifth Republic provided for a strong President whose powers, however, were shared with a Prime Minister answerable to a majority in the National Assembly. In accordance with de Gaulle's long-held views, Parliament was confined within a strictly legislative role with its jealously guarded sovereignty heavily circumscribed, while the government retained the initiative throughout the legislative process. The constitution was nevertheless ambivalent about the role of the President in the new system, and vague about his relationship with the Prime Minister and the government. The President appointed (and could presumably remove) the Prime Minister, and de Gaulle soon indicated that foreign affairs, defence, and Algeria were his own ‘reserved domain’. Moreover the end of the Algerian war in 1962 saw a clear shift towards presidential rule, with the President no longer chosen by electoral college but elected directly by popular vote.
In many respects the system was actually less presidential under de Gaulle (1958–69) than under his successors, if only because of the General's reluctance to involve himself in routine administration and domestic policy-making, which he entrusted to his Prime Ministers, who, in turn, commanded the support of the parliamentary majority. Later Presidents have intervened much more extensively. Presidential power was most in evidence from 1981 to 1986, when François Mitterrand , former leader of the Socialist Party, enjoyed unquestioning support from his lieutenants in the government, as well as commanding a disciplined Socialist majority in the National Assembly. Nevertheless, while the scope for presidential intervention has increased considerably and the office has become ever more personalized, there are obvious limits to executive discretion in a country with entrenched liberal traditions and powerful autonomous institutions. Even before 1986 and
cohabitation
, Mitterrand had come increasingly to delegate responsibilities to the Prime Minister and the government and that trend has since continued. The wide-ranging emergency powers conferred on the President by Article 16 of the constitution were used only once, by de Gaulle . The provision for popular consultation by referendum was invaluable while the Algerian war lasted but has since has proved a two-edged weapon. De Gaulle was forced to resign after the defeat of the 1969 referendum on regional powers, while the 1992 referendum on the Maastricht treaty produced a narrow majority in favour but at the cost of revealing the extent of the country's divisions on the issue.
Unlike its predecessors, the Fifth Republic has provided governmental stability and continuity of policy, notwithstanding the student and labour unrest in May 1968, the strains of cohabitation between 1986 and 1988 and from 1993 to 1995, and the economic problems of the 1970s. While the popularity of political leaders and governments has fluctuated widely, France's present institutions have enjoyed a legitimacy unprecedented since the Revolution. The domestic consensus on foreign policy, forged by de Gaulle , survives to the present, with remarkably few modifications. There is little sign of the
immobilisme
associated with the two previous regimes as governments have moved to tackle some of the country's most intractable problems. The Fifth Republic has seen the consolidation and completion of the Common Market, the modernization of French agriculture, industrial reform and economic liberalization, administrative decentralization, and significant changes in the educational system.
The Fifth Republic has also seen the smooth transfer of power from right to left and
vice versa
, along with a growing convergence of views about economic policy. This followed an abrupt change in Socialist thinking after 1982, with broad acceptance of free-market principles in place of the earlier emphasis on state control. The collapse of Communist support in the country and that party's withdrawal from government in 1984 also contributed to the climate of consensus and stability despite the increasing salience of new issues such as immigration, race, and environment. Cohabitation was followed by the re-election of Mitterrand in 1988 for an unprecedented second term, on a centrist platform far removed from the radical Common Programme still current in 1981. The new Prime Minister, Michel Rocard , was an avowed ‘social democrat’ and his government, although predominantly Socialist, also contained representatives of the Centre Right. The traditional dividing line between left and right, so long a feature of the French electoral landscape, has all but disappeared, and there is no obvious new line of demarcation.
The sudden eclipse of the Communists, the traditional party of protest, and the rapid rise of issue movements as dissimilar as the National Front and the Greens, has added to the sense of disorientation shared by party supporters and voters alike across the political spectrum. President Mitterrand's fourteen years in office (1981–95) compounded the feeling of boredom and frustration, aggravated by a succession of financial scandals involving ministers and politicians of all the main parties. There have also been damaging revelations of serious administrative incompetence, in a regime where the bureaucracy has always enjoyed a privileged role. However, the Fifth Republic's malaise bears no comparison with the periodic crises of the Third and Fourth Republics.
IC
In many respects the system was actually less presidential under de Gaulle (1958–69) than under his successors, if only because of the General's reluctance to involve himself in routine administration and domestic policy-making, which he entrusted to his Prime Ministers, who, in turn, commanded the support of the parliamentary majority. Later Presidents have intervened much more extensively. Presidential power was most in evidence from 1981 to 1986, when François Mitterrand , former leader of the Socialist Party, enjoyed unquestioning support from his lieutenants in the government, as well as commanding a disciplined Socialist majority in the National Assembly. Nevertheless, while the scope for presidential intervention has increased considerably and the office has become ever more personalized, there are obvious limits to executive discretion in a country with entrenched liberal traditions and powerful autonomous institutions. Even before 1986 and
cohabitation
, Mitterrand had come increasingly to delegate responsibilities to the Prime Minister and the government and that trend has since continued. The wide-ranging emergency powers conferred on the President by Article 16 of the constitution were used only once, by de Gaulle . The provision for popular consultation by referendum was invaluable while the Algerian war lasted but has since has proved a two-edged weapon. De Gaulle was forced to resign after the defeat of the 1969 referendum on regional powers, while the 1992 referendum on the Maastricht treaty produced a narrow majority in favour but at the cost of revealing the extent of the country's divisions on the issue.
Unlike its predecessors, the Fifth Republic has provided governmental stability and continuity of policy, notwithstanding the student and labour unrest in May 1968, the strains of cohabitation between 1986 and 1988 and from 1993 to 1995, and the economic problems of the 1970s. While the popularity of political leaders and governments has fluctuated widely, France's present institutions have enjoyed a legitimacy unprecedented since the Revolution. The domestic consensus on foreign policy, forged by de Gaulle , survives to the present, with remarkably few modifications. There is little sign of the
immobilisme
associated with the two previous regimes as governments have moved to tackle some of the country's most intractable problems. The Fifth Republic has seen the consolidation and completion of the Common Market, the modernization of French agriculture, industrial reform and economic liberalization, administrative decentralization, and significant changes in the educational system.
The Fifth Republic has also seen the smooth transfer of power from right to left and
vice versa
, along with a growing convergence of views about economic policy. This followed an abrupt change in Socialist thinking after 1982, with broad acceptance of free-market principles in place of the earlier emphasis on state control. The collapse of Communist support in the country and that party's withdrawal from government in 1984 also contributed to the climate of consensus and stability despite the increasing salience of new issues such as immigration, race, and environment. Cohabitation was followed by the re-election of Mitterrand in 1988 for an unprecedented second term, on a centrist platform far removed from the radical Common Programme still current in 1981. The new Prime Minister, Michel Rocard , was an avowed ‘social democrat’ and his government, although predominantly Socialist, also contained representatives of the Centre Right. The traditional dividing line between left and right, so long a feature of the French electoral landscape, has all but disappeared, and there is no obvious new line of demarcation.
The sudden eclipse of the Communists, the traditional party of protest, and the rapid rise of issue movements as dissimilar as the National Front and the Greens, has added to the sense of disorientation shared by party supporters and voters alike across the political spectrum. President Mitterrand's fourteen years in office (1981–95) compounded the feeling of boredom and frustration, aggravated by a succession of financial scandals involving ministers and politicians of all the main parties. There have also been damaging revelations of serious administrative incompetence, in a regime where the bureaucracy has always enjoyed a privileged role. However, the Fifth Republic's malaise bears no comparison with the periodic crises of the Third and Fourth Republics.
IC
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