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may have resulted in the death of as many as 6,000 Iraqis, and Israel’s use of several military actions against Palestinians in the West Bank, Gaza, and Lebanon, which resulted in large numbers of Palestinian deaths.158

 

These similarities and others are elements of what some scholars have termed the Israelization of certain aspects of the United States’ domestic and foreign policies.159 This process of Israelization has involved, among other components, the United States adopting a set of approaches, particularly in its foreign policy, that are similar to Israel’s, and members of the United States government, other Americans, and the United States’ allies holding to the belief that the United States’ and Israel’s interests are virtually identical. One aspect of this approach is the idea that any threat to or attack on Israel is tantamount to a threat to or attack on the United States. Consistent with this line of thinking, the United States government has a tendency to treat any nation or group that seems to be an enemy of Israel as its own enemy.

Thus, the United States has viewed such groups and nations as Hamas, Hezbollah (a Shiite Islamist group which operates largely in Lebanon), Syria (during periods when it appears particularly anti-Israeli), Iraq under Saddam Hussein, and Iran as its own enemies even when in some of these cases it has been conceivable that some of these nations’ and groups’ interests could have coincided with those of the United States.160 This tendency to support Israel has carried certain risks for the United States, such as an increased level of hostility against the United States on the part of certain Muslims and governments in the majority-Muslim world. Critics of the United States’ policy have articulated its potential dangers, which include the United States having pursued Israel’s foreign policy interests in ways that have been damaging in some cases to the United States’ own.161 In any case, as the United States moves forward with its policies with respect to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the Middle East more broadly, and various majority-Muslim countries, it is confronted with a variety of peaceful diplomatic methods and approaches (including cooperative non-governmental efforts between private individuals and organizations in the West and their counterparts in the majority-Muslim world) which could be helpful as the United States and other Western countries attempt to bring political stability to various parts of those regions.162 At the same time, some observers have noted that there is a linkage between a peaceful resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq.163 While for some Muslims and non- Muslims the circumstances which the Palestinians face epitomize other liberation struggles in some respects, on the practical level of the United States’ foreign policy, the resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian struggle is inextricably linked to other wars and tensions inside and outside of the Middle East.164

 

Notes

 

  1. Rabbi Wayne Dosick, Living Judaism: The Complete Guide to Jewish Belief, Tradition, and Practice (San Francisco: Harper San Francisco, 1998), 323–55.
  2. Tabari, The History of al-Tabari, vol. 6, Muhammad at Mecca, trans.

W. Montgomery Watt and M.V. McDonald (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1988), 78–80.

  1. Daniel W. Brown, A New Introduction to Islam (Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 2004), 44.
  2. Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd edn., s.v. “Umar (I) b. al-Khattab” (by G. Levi Della Vida and M. Bonner),
    www.brillonline.nl/subscriber/entry?entry
    islam_ SIM-7707 (accessed August 12, 2009).
  3. Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd edn., s.v. “Crusades” (by Cl. Cahen),
    www.
    brillonline.nl/subscriber/entry?entryislam_SIM-7707 (accessed August 12, 2009).
  4. Alan J. Avery-Peck, “The Doctrine of God,” in The Blackwell Companion to Judaism, ed. Jacob Neusner and Alan J. Avery-Peck (Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 2003), 216–19.
  5. Dosick, Living Judaism, 172.
  6. Richard Wortman, Scenarios of Power: Myth and Ceremony in Russian Monarchy, vol. 2, From Alexander II to the Abdication of Nicholas II (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000), 237–9.
  7. William L. Cleveland and Martin Bunton, A History of the Modern Middle East, 4th edn. (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 2009), 241.
  8. Leo Pinsker, Auto-Emancipation, trans. D.S. Blondheim (New York: Maccabean Publishing Company, 1906), 4–5.
  9. Ibid, 68. 12 Ibid., 1–16.
  1. Cleveland and Bunton, A History of the Modern Middle East, 242.
  2. Ibid.
  3. Theodor Herzl, A Jewish State: An Attempt at a Modern Solution of the Jewish Question, 3rd edn., revised from the English translation of Sylvia D’Avigdor with a special preface and notes by Jacob de Haas (New York: Federation of American Zionists, 1917). While this translation of the book is entitled A Jewish State, the phrase “The Jewish State” is closer to the German original.
  4. Herzl, A Jewish State, 1–44.
  5. Deborah J. Gerner, One Land, Two Peoples: The Conflict Over Palestine

(Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1994), 13–14.

  1. Ernst Pawel, The Labyrinth of Exile: A Life of Theodor Herzl (New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux), 412–13.
  2. Jacques Soustelle, The Long March of Israel (New York: American Heritage Press, 1969), 20.
  3. Aaron Berman, Nazism, the Jews, and American Zionism, 1933–1948 (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1990), 66–7.
  4. Howard Morley Sachar, A History of the Jews in the Modern World (New York: Vintage Books, 2006), 255–369.

 

  1. Chaim Weizmann, Trial and Error: The Autobiography of Chaim Weizmann

(Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1972), 177–205.

  1. Cleveland and Bunton, A History of the Modern Middle East, 244–5.
  2. This text is on the BBC’s website at:
    http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/in_depth/
    middle_east/israel_and_the_palestinians/key_documents/1682961.stm (accessed July 31, 2009).
  3. Alan Dowty, Israel/Palestine (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2008), 18–20.
  4. Martin Sicker, Reshaping Palestine: From Muhammad Ali to the British Mandate, 1831–1922 (Westport, CT: Praeger, 1999), 155–6.
  5. Efraim Karsh, Israel in the International Arena (London: Cass, 2004), 226.
  6. Justin McCarthy, The Population of Palestine: Population History and Statistics of the Late Ottoman Period and the Mandate (New York: Columbia University Press, 1990), 36.
  7. Rashid Khalidi, The Iron Cage: The Story of the Palestinian Struggle for Statehood (Boston, MA: Beacon Press, 2006), 31–64.
  8. Walter Laqueur, A History of Zionism (New York: Schocken Books, 2003), 467–71.
  9. For some Palestinian perspectives on the controversial issue of Jewish land acquisition and/or expropriation, see, for example, Walid Khalidi, “Why Did the Palestinians Leave, Revisited,” Journal of Palestine Studies 34, no. 2 (Winter 2005): 42–54, and Naim Stifan Ateek, Justice, and Only Justice: A Palestinian Theology of Liberation (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books, 1991), 7–17. For some Jewish perspectives, see, for example, Benny Morris, The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem, 1947–1949 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989) and Simha Flapan, The Birth of Israel: Myths and Realities (New York: Pantheon Books, 1987). Historically, there have been and continue to be a wide diversity of perspectives among Palestinians, Israelis, and others on the departure (forced, voluntary or otherwise) of Palestinians from Israel/Palestine in the wake of Jewish settlements and the above works constitute a very small number of examples of scholarship on this topic.
  10. See, for example, Mamdouh Nofal, Fawaz Turki, Haidar Abdel Shafi, Inea Bushnaq, and Yezid Sayigh, “Reflections on Al-Nakba,” Journal of Palestine Studies 28, no. 1 (October 1998): 5–35.
  11. Cleveland and Bunton, A History of the Modern Middle East, 254.
  12. Mark A. Tessler, A History of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1994), 228.
  13. Cleveland and Bunton, A History of the Modern Middle East, 258. 36 Ibid., 257–9.

37 Ibid., 262–3.

  1. Cameron Hazlehurst and Christine Woodland with Sally Whitehead, eds., A Guide to the Papers of British Cabinet Ministers, 1900–1964 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 169–70.
  2. Cleveland and Bunton, A History of the Modern Middle East, 263. 40 Ibid., 264.
  1. Charles D. Smith, Palestine and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 4th edn. (New York: Bedford/St Martin’s, 2001), 195.

 

  1. David W. Lesch, The Arab-Israeli Conflict: A History (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), 138.
  2. Arie Marcelo Kacowicz, Peaceful Territorial Change (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 1994), 121.
  3. Cleveland and Bunton, A History of the Modern Middle East, 268.
  4. Helena Cobban, The Palestinian Liberation Organisation: People, Power, and Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), 6–12; Jean-Francois Legrain, “A Defining Moment: Palestinian Islamic Fundamentalism,” in Islamic Fundamentalisms and the Gulf Crisis, ed. James P. Piscatori (Chicago: Fundamentalism Project, American Academy of Arts and Sciences, 1991), 181–2.
  5. “Charter of the Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas) of Palestine,” Journal of Palestine Studies 22, no. 4 (Summer 1993), 122–34.
  6. Cobban, The Palestinian Liberation Organisation, 6.
  7. Chris Cook and John Stevenson, The Routledge Companion to World History Since 1914 (London: Routledge, 2005), 408.
  8. Cobban, The Palestinian Liberation Organisation, 6.
  9. Thomas Kiernan, Arafat: The Man and the Myth (New York: Norton, 1976), 33.
  10. Cobban, The Palestinian Liberation Organisation, 7.
  11. Ibid., 8. 53 Ibid., 21–4.
  1. Mehmood Hussain, The Palestine Liberation Organization: A Study in Ideology, Strategy and Tactics (Delhi: University Publishers, 1975), 30.
  2. See, for example, Shaul Mishal and Reuben Aharoni, eds., Speaking Stones: Communiqués from the Intifada Underground (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1994), 4–5, 216–18, 244, 257, 280, 287.
  3. Cobban, The Palestinian Liberation Organisation, 25.
  4. Ibid.
  5. Baruch Kimmerling, The Invention and Decline of Israeliness: State, Society, and the Military (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001), 43–5.
  6. For biographical information on Ahmad Shuqayri, see, for example,
    www.
    ahmad-alshukairy.org/pro/proe.html (accessed September 7, 2009).
  7. Rashid Khalidi, Sowing Crisis: The Cold War and American Dominance in the Middle East (Boston, MA: Beacon Press, 2009), 189.
  8. Cobban, The Palestinian Liberation Organisation, 10. 62 Ibid., 11.
  1. Ibid., 11. A copy of the current Palestinian National Charter appears on the web- site of the Permanent Observer Mission of Palestine to the United Nations, New York, at
    www.un.int/palestine/PLO/PNAcharter.html
    (accessed September 7, 2009).
  2. Cobban, The Palestinian Liberation Organisation, 11.
  3. Constitution of the Palestine Liberation Organization, 1968; Chapter 2, Article 5. A text of the Constitution of the Palestinian Liberation Organization is at:
    www.
    jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/Peace/plocon.html (accessed September 7, 2009).
  4. Y. Harkabi, The Palestinian Covenant and Its Meaning (London: Valentine, Mitchell, and Company, 1981), 9.
  5. Ibid.

 

  1. Ibid.
  2. Ibid.
  3. “Charter of the Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas) of Palestine,” 122–34.
  4. Harkabi, The Palestinian Covenant and Its Meaning, 29.
  5. Article 1 of the Palestinian National Charter,
    www.un.int/palestine/PLO/
    PNAcharter.html (accessed August 7, 2009).
  6. Harkabi, The Palestinian Covenant and Its Meaning, 30.
  7. Article 24 of the Palestinian National Charter,
    www.un.int/palestine/PLO/
    PNAcharter.html (accessed August 7, 2009).
  8. Nels Johnson, Islam and the Politics of Meaning in Palestinian Nationalism

(London: Kegan Paul International, 1982), 64, 86.

  1. Dale Van Atta, With Honor: Melvin Laird in War, Peace, and Politics (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 2008), 271–4.
  2. Lara Deeb, An Enchanted Modern: Gender and Public Piety in Shi(i Lebanon

(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2006), 84.

  1. Barry Rubin and Judith Colp Rubin, Yasir Arafat: A Political Biography

(New York: Oxford University Press, 2005), 343.

  1. See also Joost R. Hiltermann, Behind the Intifada: Labor and Women’s Movements in the Occupied Territories (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991), 19.
  2. Hiltermann, Behind the Intifada, 220.
  3. F. Robert Hunter, The Palestinian Uprising: A War by Other Means, revised and expanded edn. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), 45–8.
  4. Meron Benvenisti, 1986 Report: Demographic, Economic, Legal, Social and Political Developments in the West Bank (Jerusalem: West Bank Data Base Project, 1986), 30.
  5. Hunter, The Palestinian Uprising, 35.
  6. Hunter, The Palestinian Uprising, 47–57, 126–8.
  7. Cleveland and Bunton, A History of the Modern Middle East, 364.
  8. Rema Hammami, “On the Importance of Thugs: The Moral Economy of a Checkpoint,” Middle East Report, no. 231 (Summer 2004): 26–34.
  9. Hunter, The Palestinian Uprising, 36.
  10. Ibid.; Meron Benvenisti, 1987 Report: Demographic, Economic, Legal, Social and Political Developments in the West Bank (Jerusalem: West Bank Data Base Project, 1988), 41.
  11. Hunter, The Palestinian Uprising, 58. 90 Ibid., 138–9, 214–15.
  1. Mishal and Aharoni, Speaking Stones, 25–49.
  2. Hunter, The Palestinian Uprising, 131.
  3. Ibid.
  4. Ziad Abu-Amr, “Hamas: A Historical and Political Background,” Journal of Palestine Studies 22 (Summer 1993): 5.
  5. Abu-Amr, “Hamas: A Historical and Political Background,” 5.
  6. Ziad Abu-Amr, Islamic Fundamentalism in the West Bank and Gaza

(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1994), 6.

  1. Abu-Amr, “Hamas: A Historical and Political Background,” 7.
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