Read The Life and Death of Anne Boleyn Online
Authors: Eric Ives
The Life and Death of Anne Boleyn (9 page)
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The theme of the opening tournament on 1 March was the cruelty of unrequited love, and this was continued when festivities reached a climax on the evening of Shrove Tuesday with a characteristically Burgundian pageant, the assault on ‘the
Château Vert
’.
1
There were eight court ladies involved, each cast as one of the qualities of the perfect mistress of chivalric tradition — Beauty, Honour, Perseverance, Kindness, Constancy, Bounty, Mercy and Pity — with Anne playing Perseverance and her sister Mary, Kindness (roles of historic appropriateness). The king’s sister Mary led as Beauty, with the countess of Devonshire as Honour — two women who would be among Anne’s most implacable opponents — while of the other characters, Constancy was played by Jane Parker, soon to become Anne’s sister-in-law. They wore white satin, each with her character or ‘reason’ picked out twenty-four times in yellow satin, and the head-dresses were cauls of Venetian gold set off by Milan bonnets. Opposite them were the eight male virtues of the ideal courtier — ‘Amoress[ness]’, Nobleness, Youth, Attendance, Loyalty, Pleasure, Gentleness and Liberty — with the king playing the lead. The men were dressed in caps and coats of cloth of gold and tinsel, with blue velvet buskins and ‘ great mantle cloaks of blue satin’, each of which had forty-two scrolls of yellow damask on which were pasted, in blue letters, the name of the character and appropriate ‘poems’. This was a wise precaution, as matters had got out of hand on a previous occasion when the character names had been made of actual gold, and the costumes had been stripped by spectators — one London seaman getting away with gold worth £3 14s. 8
d
., almost two ounces.
2
Château Vert
’.
1
There were eight court ladies involved, each cast as one of the qualities of the perfect mistress of chivalric tradition — Beauty, Honour, Perseverance, Kindness, Constancy, Bounty, Mercy and Pity — with Anne playing Perseverance and her sister Mary, Kindness (roles of historic appropriateness). The king’s sister Mary led as Beauty, with the countess of Devonshire as Honour — two women who would be among Anne’s most implacable opponents — while of the other characters, Constancy was played by Jane Parker, soon to become Anne’s sister-in-law. They wore white satin, each with her character or ‘reason’ picked out twenty-four times in yellow satin, and the head-dresses were cauls of Venetian gold set off by Milan bonnets. Opposite them were the eight male virtues of the ideal courtier — ‘Amoress[ness]’, Nobleness, Youth, Attendance, Loyalty, Pleasure, Gentleness and Liberty — with the king playing the lead. The men were dressed in caps and coats of cloth of gold and tinsel, with blue velvet buskins and ‘ great mantle cloaks of blue satin’, each of which had forty-two scrolls of yellow damask on which were pasted, in blue letters, the name of the character and appropriate ‘poems’. This was a wise precaution, as matters had got out of hand on a previous occasion when the character names had been made of actual gold, and the costumes had been stripped by spectators — one London seaman getting away with gold worth £3 14s. 8
d
., almost two ounces.
2
The performance was put on at York Place, Wolsey’s episcopal palace in Westminster which was later to become Whitehall Palace, with Anne the first queen to live there. It began after supper, with the audience being led into a large chamber, hung with arras and brilliantly lit, and at one end the glittering
Château Vert
itself.This was an elaborate wooden construction with three towers, painted green and with battlements covered in hundreds of pieces of green tinfoil. It contained hidden musicians, and standing on the towers were the eight ladies. Anne was probably in the main tower, which had a burning cresset and, like the other two, a banner — three hearts torn to pieces, a woman’s hand gripping a man’s heart and a woman’s hand turning a man’s heart upside down. The ladies were protected from assault by eight choristers of the royal chapel manning the lower walls and dressed as Indian women, each depicting one of the contrary feminine vices (or virtues) — Danger, Disdain, Jealousy, Unkindness, Scorn, ‘Malebouche’ (Sharp Tongue) and Strangeness (Off-handedness). The men entered, led by a spokesman, Ardent Desire, dressed in crimson satin embroidered with burning flames in gold, a role almost certainly played by William Cornish, master of the Children (choristers) of the Chapel Royal and very probably author, designer and producer of the whole affair.
3
Then Desire begged the ladies to come down, but when Scorn and Disdain announced that they would resist, he called on the courtiers to take the ladies by force. To a peal of cannon, synchronized from outside, Henry led the attack, bombarding the castle and its garrison with dates, oranges and ‘other fruits made for pleasure’ to which the ‘ladies’, genuine and choristers, replied with a barrage of sweetmeats and rosewater until Lady Scorn and the rest of the boys retreated, keeping up a defensive fire ‘with bows and balls’. Female coldness having fled before masculine ardour, the warm and soft qualities were taken prisoner and brought out of the castle to dance. When the dancing was over, masks were removed and ‘all were known’; they then went off with the audience to ‘a costly banquet’. The whole performance had cost over £20, including three hats which the boys had lost in the course of their retreat.
4
Edward Hall tells us that the strangers were ‘much pleased’, at least by the dance, but Charles V’s secretary apologized to his master: ‘I have written very little about the reception accorded us by the king, the queen, and the cardinal, but Anthoine, your usher, saw most of the festivities and can recount them to you.’ They were much more interested in the 6-year-old Princess Mary.
5
Château Vert
itself.This was an elaborate wooden construction with three towers, painted green and with battlements covered in hundreds of pieces of green tinfoil. It contained hidden musicians, and standing on the towers were the eight ladies. Anne was probably in the main tower, which had a burning cresset and, like the other two, a banner — three hearts torn to pieces, a woman’s hand gripping a man’s heart and a woman’s hand turning a man’s heart upside down. The ladies were protected from assault by eight choristers of the royal chapel manning the lower walls and dressed as Indian women, each depicting one of the contrary feminine vices (or virtues) — Danger, Disdain, Jealousy, Unkindness, Scorn, ‘Malebouche’ (Sharp Tongue) and Strangeness (Off-handedness). The men entered, led by a spokesman, Ardent Desire, dressed in crimson satin embroidered with burning flames in gold, a role almost certainly played by William Cornish, master of the Children (choristers) of the Chapel Royal and very probably author, designer and producer of the whole affair.
3
Then Desire begged the ladies to come down, but when Scorn and Disdain announced that they would resist, he called on the courtiers to take the ladies by force. To a peal of cannon, synchronized from outside, Henry led the attack, bombarding the castle and its garrison with dates, oranges and ‘other fruits made for pleasure’ to which the ‘ladies’, genuine and choristers, replied with a barrage of sweetmeats and rosewater until Lady Scorn and the rest of the boys retreated, keeping up a defensive fire ‘with bows and balls’. Female coldness having fled before masculine ardour, the warm and soft qualities were taken prisoner and brought out of the castle to dance. When the dancing was over, masks were removed and ‘all were known’; they then went off with the audience to ‘a costly banquet’. The whole performance had cost over £20, including three hats which the boys had lost in the course of their retreat.
4
Edward Hall tells us that the strangers were ‘much pleased’, at least by the dance, but Charles V’s secretary apologized to his master: ‘I have written very little about the reception accorded us by the king, the queen, and the cardinal, but Anthoine, your usher, saw most of the festivities and can recount them to you.’ They were much more interested in the 6-year-old Princess Mary.
5
Anne Boleyn thus made her début on an occasion which allowed her to show off all she had learned in her years abroad. But what was she like? Unfortunately, the first descriptions date from six years after the
Château Vert
, and already by then opinions were being coloured by the controversy surrounding her relationship with the king. By the time of her coronation in 1533, one hostile observer would be reporting to the court at Brussels that Anne’s crown did not fit, that she was badly disfigured by a wart, and that she wore a violet velvet mantle with a high ruff to conceal a swelling in the neck, possibly a goitre.
6
Some writers have taken this seriously, although much of it is wilful misrepresentation. The crown was quickly taken off after the actual crowning, but this was because it weighed seven pounds. For the rest of the ceremonies Anne wore a crown specially made and weighing only three.
7
The practice was so sensible that it was followed for Edward VI, Mary and Elizabeth, each of whom wore a crown personally made for them (as did Elizabeth II at her coronation in 1953). As for the high collar, Anne wore the required coronation surcoat with a mantle of ermine, although the material seems to have been purple velvet and not white cloth of gold. If the style was the same as the surcoat and mantle her daughter wore at her coronation in 1559, then the neck was high.
8
The need to conceal a goitre is malevolent embroidery.
Château Vert
, and already by then opinions were being coloured by the controversy surrounding her relationship with the king. By the time of her coronation in 1533, one hostile observer would be reporting to the court at Brussels that Anne’s crown did not fit, that she was badly disfigured by a wart, and that she wore a violet velvet mantle with a high ruff to conceal a swelling in the neck, possibly a goitre.
6
Some writers have taken this seriously, although much of it is wilful misrepresentation. The crown was quickly taken off after the actual crowning, but this was because it weighed seven pounds. For the rest of the ceremonies Anne wore a crown specially made and weighing only three.
7
The practice was so sensible that it was followed for Edward VI, Mary and Elizabeth, each of whom wore a crown personally made for them (as did Elizabeth II at her coronation in 1953). As for the high collar, Anne wore the required coronation surcoat with a mantle of ermine, although the material seems to have been purple velvet and not white cloth of gold. If the style was the same as the surcoat and mantle her daughter wore at her coronation in 1559, then the neck was high.
8
The need to conceal a goitre is malevolent embroidery.
The most extreme exponent of this ‘monster legend’ was the Elizabethan recusant activist, Nicholas Sander. According to his account:
Anne Boleyn was rather tall of stature, with black hair and an oval face of sallow complexion, as if troubled with jaundice. She had a projecting tooth under the upper lip, and on her right hand, six fingers. There was a large wen under her chin, and therefore to hide its ugliness, she wore a high dress covering her throat. In this she was followed by the ladies of the court, who also wore high dresses, having before been in the habit of leaving their necks and the upper portion of their persons uncovered. She was handsome to look at, with a pretty mouth.
9
Apart from the evident self-contradiction of the last sentence, Sander, born in 1527 and in exile from 1561, was hardly a contemporary witness of the events of Anne’s life or an expert on the vagaries of female attire in earlier generations — high necks came into fashion after Anne’s death. The fact that he records well-established tradition, but tradition that was current among recusant exiles, also cuts both ways. Nevertheless, although we may dismiss the tooth, there might be some truth in the sixth finger and the wart. George Wyatt, writing at the end of the century to contradict Sander, and having access to some genuine family traditions of his own about Anne, was compelled not only to accept her ‘beauty not so whitely as clear and fresh, above all we may esteem’, but to admit that
there was found, indeed, upon the side of her nail, upon one of her fingers, some little show of a nail, which yet was so small, by the report of those that have seen her, as the work master seemed to leave it an occasion of greater grace to her hand, which, with the tip of one of her other fingers might be, and was usually by her hidden without any blemish to it. Likewise there were said to be upon some parts of her body, certain small moles incident to the clearest complexions.
10
A minor malformation of one fingertip thus seems very probable, and so too one or two moles, possibly on the chin, but never the disaster Sander imagined; one man’s beauty-spot is hardly another man’s ‘wen’.
What makes the more horrific stories about Anne implausible is the undoubted impact that she made — not that she was ever a ravishing beauty. Lancelot de Carles did call her ‘beautiful and with an elegant figure’, and a Venetian reporting what was known of her in Paris in 1528 described her as ‘very beautiful’.
11
Yet John Barlow, one of her favourite clerics, when asked to compare Anne to Elizabeth Blount, the duke of Richmond’s mother, replied that Elizabeth ‘was more beautiful’, although Anne ‘was very eloquent and gracious, and reasonably good looking [
competement belle
]’
.
12
Simon Grynée, a professor of Greek at Basle whom Henry VIII employed to canvass Swiss opinion as to the validity of his marriage to Katherine, was similarly cautious (and also not entirely persuaded as to her morals): ‘young and good-looking’ was his verdict.
13
The Venetian diplomat, Francesco Sanuto, was even less certain, though he clearly knew of no goitres or ‘large wens’: ‘Not one of the handsomest women in the world; she is of middling stature, swarthy complexion, long neck, wide mouth, a bosom not much raised and eyes which are black and beautiful.’
14
Henry, as we shall see, saw nothing wrong with Anne’s breasts, but the overall evidence of these less prejudiced observers hardly suggests compelling physical attractiveness. All reports agree that Anne was dark. As well as Sanuto’s ‘swarthy’, Thomas Wyatt gave her the poetic name, ‘Brunet’.
15
Simon Grynée described her complexion as ‘rather dark’, while when her daughter Elizabeth was born it was remarked how fair she was, taking after her father rather than her mother.
16
A feature of which Anne herself was clearly proud was her hair. A good deal of comment was caused by her wearing her hair down for the coronation procession through London, but again this was simply in accordance with established etiquette. Anne, however, had also worn her hair down for the entirely unprecedented ceremony where she was created marchioness of Pembroke.
17
11
Yet John Barlow, one of her favourite clerics, when asked to compare Anne to Elizabeth Blount, the duke of Richmond’s mother, replied that Elizabeth ‘was more beautiful’, although Anne ‘was very eloquent and gracious, and reasonably good looking [
competement belle
]’
.
12
Simon Grynée, a professor of Greek at Basle whom Henry VIII employed to canvass Swiss opinion as to the validity of his marriage to Katherine, was similarly cautious (and also not entirely persuaded as to her morals): ‘young and good-looking’ was his verdict.
13
The Venetian diplomat, Francesco Sanuto, was even less certain, though he clearly knew of no goitres or ‘large wens’: ‘Not one of the handsomest women in the world; she is of middling stature, swarthy complexion, long neck, wide mouth, a bosom not much raised and eyes which are black and beautiful.’
14
Henry, as we shall see, saw nothing wrong with Anne’s breasts, but the overall evidence of these less prejudiced observers hardly suggests compelling physical attractiveness. All reports agree that Anne was dark. As well as Sanuto’s ‘swarthy’, Thomas Wyatt gave her the poetic name, ‘Brunet’.
15
Simon Grynée described her complexion as ‘rather dark’, while when her daughter Elizabeth was born it was remarked how fair she was, taking after her father rather than her mother.
16
A feature of which Anne herself was clearly proud was her hair. A good deal of comment was caused by her wearing her hair down for the coronation procession through London, but again this was simply in accordance with established etiquette. Anne, however, had also worn her hair down for the entirely unprecedented ceremony where she was created marchioness of Pembroke.
17
Looks only tolerable, but a splendid head of dark hair and fine eyes — this was the impression that Anne Boleyn made on her contemporaries, but it would be good also to have some pictorial evidence. Here the past has not been kind. The painter coming into prominence at the English court was, of course, Hans Holbein the younger, but no painting of Anne by Holbein is known to have been made, and certainly none has survived.
18
Two of his drawings are alleged to be of her: one in the set of his drawings in the royal collection at Windsor (plate 6), and the other formerly at Weston Park and now in the British Museum (plate 5).
19
The Windsor drawing carries the legend ‘Anna Bollein Queen’, in eighteenth-century lettering; the Weston Park drawing, in a hand dating from the first half of the seventeenth century, has the Latin legend: ‘Anne Bullen was beheaded, London 19 May, 1536.’ The names on the Holbein drawings at Windsor are said to have derived originally from Sir John Cheke, Edward VI’s tutor, and since Cheke had known Anne, the identification might appear to have authority.
20
However, the Cheke story is suspect - several of his supposed identifications are demonstrably incorrect — and there is evidence on the ‘Anna Bollein’ to link it with the Wyatt family.
21
Moreover, the sitter is in evident
déshabillé,
and why should any such likeness of a queen be commissioned? It is also the case that when both Holbeins were in the collection of the earl of Arundel in the late 1630s, the Czech artist, Wenceslaus Hollar, chose to engrave the British Museum drawing in preference to the one now at Windsor.
22
Why Hollar selected that as a likeness of Anne it is impossible to say; either he had advice or the Windsor drawing had not yet been claimed as ‘Anne’.
23
18
Two of his drawings are alleged to be of her: one in the set of his drawings in the royal collection at Windsor (plate 6), and the other formerly at Weston Park and now in the British Museum (plate 5).
19
The Windsor drawing carries the legend ‘Anna Bollein Queen’, in eighteenth-century lettering; the Weston Park drawing, in a hand dating from the first half of the seventeenth century, has the Latin legend: ‘Anne Bullen was beheaded, London 19 May, 1536.’ The names on the Holbein drawings at Windsor are said to have derived originally from Sir John Cheke, Edward VI’s tutor, and since Cheke had known Anne, the identification might appear to have authority.
20
However, the Cheke story is suspect - several of his supposed identifications are demonstrably incorrect — and there is evidence on the ‘Anna Bollein’ to link it with the Wyatt family.
21
Moreover, the sitter is in evident
déshabillé,
and why should any such likeness of a queen be commissioned? It is also the case that when both Holbeins were in the collection of the earl of Arundel in the late 1630s, the Czech artist, Wenceslaus Hollar, chose to engrave the British Museum drawing in preference to the one now at Windsor.
22
Why Hollar selected that as a likeness of Anne it is impossible to say; either he had advice or the Windsor drawing had not yet been claimed as ‘Anne’.
23
The one firm contemporary likeness of Anne Boleyn is a single specimen of the portrait medal struck in 1534 (plate 8); it carries her motto, ‘The Moost Happi’ and the initials ‘A.R.’ — Anna Regina.
24
Such a piece can only have been prepared on royal authority. The common assumption is that the medal was struck to mark Anne’s coronation, but the date makes that improbable.
25
Between Anne’s coronation and a 25 March start to 1534 was ten months. The more likely occasion is the expected birth of Anne’s second child in the autumn of 1534, and her miscarrying would explain why multiple copies do not survive. Unfortunately the nose has been badly damaged, perhaps deliberately, so that its value as a likeness is impaired. Nevertheless the shape of the face is clear — long and oval with high cheek-bones, much the sort of face that her daughter Elizabeth was to have, according to some painters. Given the condition of the medal, it is impossible to go further than that, but it cannot be said to inspire confidence in the British Museum likeness endorsed by Hollar and still less the Windsor example. Judged by the medal, Anne sat for neither of the Holbein drawings.
24
Such a piece can only have been prepared on royal authority. The common assumption is that the medal was struck to mark Anne’s coronation, but the date makes that improbable.
25
Between Anne’s coronation and a 25 March start to 1534 was ten months. The more likely occasion is the expected birth of Anne’s second child in the autumn of 1534, and her miscarrying would explain why multiple copies do not survive. Unfortunately the nose has been badly damaged, perhaps deliberately, so that its value as a likeness is impaired. Nevertheless the shape of the face is clear — long and oval with high cheek-bones, much the sort of face that her daughter Elizabeth was to have, according to some painters. Given the condition of the medal, it is impossible to go further than that, but it cannot be said to inspire confidence in the British Museum likeness endorsed by Hollar and still less the Windsor example. Judged by the medal, Anne sat for neither of the Holbein drawings.
A number of paintings from the later sixteenth century are claimed to be of Anne. They survive from sets of ‘Kings and Queens of England’ which Elizabethan and Jacobean gentry liked to have in their houses to demonstrate loyalty. There are two patterns which clearly represent separate traditions. The one best known at the time (thanks to the set it belonged to being engraved and published in 1618) depicts Anne in a gable hood with a single necklace of pearls with a cross decorated with rectangular stones. (plate 4).
26
In a painting in this pattern (now at Bradford), Anne wears a brooch in the form of a single drop pearl hanging from the monogram ‘AB’ in gold (plate 2).
27
The alternative pattern - and the one commonly reproduced today — has Anne in a French hood with a gold letter ‘B’ hanging from a pearl necklace.
28
Several examples survive. The painting in the best condition is in the National Portrait Gallery but the less glamorized versions, such as the one at Hever, show a women with a sharper face and a sallow complexion (plate 1). Neither pattern, however, can be regarded as authoritative since neither is earlier than fifty or sixty years after Anne’s death or linked to the portrait medal, either directly or via a common ancestor. The engraved image does have the same sort of head-dress, yet neither it nor the Hever/NPG pattern has the medal’s striking lift of the head.
26
In a painting in this pattern (now at Bradford), Anne wears a brooch in the form of a single drop pearl hanging from the monogram ‘AB’ in gold (plate 2).
27
The alternative pattern - and the one commonly reproduced today — has Anne in a French hood with a gold letter ‘B’ hanging from a pearl necklace.
28
Several examples survive. The painting in the best condition is in the National Portrait Gallery but the less glamorized versions, such as the one at Hever, show a women with a sharper face and a sallow complexion (plate 1). Neither pattern, however, can be regarded as authoritative since neither is earlier than fifty or sixty years after Anne’s death or linked to the portrait medal, either directly or via a common ancestor. The engraved image does have the same sort of head-dress, yet neither it nor the Hever/NPG pattern has the medal’s striking lift of the head.
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