1066 (34 page)

44
It may have been among the gifts given to King Althelstan of England by Hugh the Great of France in 926, subsequently ending in Exeter Cathedral where it is last referred to in the eleventh century. Of course, the Holy Lance was far too important a relic to be inconvenienced by a mere singular existence. Many Holy Lances have been venerated. The point is that the Saint-Riquier lance is the only one of its time to be associated with Charlemagne, apart from the one mentioned in the
Chanson de Roland.

45
Loomis, 'The Holy Relics of Charlemagne', p. 443.

46
Owen, 'Epic and History'.

47
Carmen,
introduction by Barlow, pp. xxiv-xl.

48
For Bishop Guy,
ibid.,
pp. xlii-liii.

2
E. A. Freeman,
Norman Conquest,
III, pp. 708-11, discusses several candidates; reprinted in Gameson (ed.),
Study of the Bayeux Tapestry.

3
William of Poitiers,
Gesta Guillelmi, p.
157. The same point is made by Eadmer,
History, p. 7.

4
Hill, 'The Bayeux Tapestry and its Commentators', p. 26. Hill denies the sexual content of the scene.

5
Grape,
Bayeux Tapestry, p.
40.

6
Eadmer,
History, p. 7.

7
Domesday Book, p.
307, 'Ælfgyfu, sister of Earl Harold' (Buckinghamshire Waldridge).

8
McNulty, 'Ælfgyva in the Bayeux Tapestry', p. 665; Kurder,
Der Teppich von Bayeux, p.
73.

9
Eric Freeman, 'The Identity of Ælfgyva in the Bayeux Tapestry'.

10
E. A. Freeman,
Norman Conquest,
II, pp. 568-71.

11
The account of the two lives that follows is indebted to Campbell, 'Queen Emma and, Ælfgifu of Northampton'.

12
John of Worcester,
Chronicle, p.
521.

13
McNulty, 'Æflgyva in the Bayeux Tapestry'.

14
Ibid., p.
665 n. 8.

15
Encomium Emmae Reginae,
introduction to 1998 reprint, p. xlv.

16
Campbell, 'Queen Emma and Ælfgifu of Northampton', p. 74.

17
Encomium Emmae Reginae,
pp. 41-3.

18
Ibid., p.
43; William of Jumieges,
Gesta Normannorum, p.
107.

19
John of Worcester,
Chronicle, p.
523.

20
Encomium Emmae Reginae, p.
45.

21
McNulty, 'Ælfgyva in the Bayeux Tapestry', pp. 667-8.

22
Swein does not appear to have had any issue but, interestingly enough, Harefoot seems to have had a son called Ælfwine (by a wife or mistress who, confusingly, was named Ælfgifu). Æfwine is heard of only once. It is recorded in a document in the cartulary of the abbey of Conques, in central France, that not long before 1060 a wandering Englishman on pilgrimage through the county of Rouergue one day presented himself to the lords of Panat as being the son of one 'King Harold' of England. In the context this can only mean Harold Harefoot (king, 1037-40). Ælfwine impressed the locals with his piety and he became the abbot of a nearby monastery: W. H. Stevenson, 'An Alleged Son of King Harold Harefoot'. In theory, one might take the
Æltgyva
scene in the tapestry as undermining any lingering pretension to the English throne that Harefoot's progeny may have had. In practice,
Æltwine
would not have had any real expectation of succeeding, nor any supporters in England, and he appears to have become a monk in France long before 1066. This, therefore, cannot be the answer to the Ælfgyva enigma.

2
Douglas, 'Companions of the Conqueror'.

3
Van Houts, 'Wace as Historian'.

4
Prentout, 'An Attempt to Identify Some Unknown Characters in the Bayeux Tapestry'.

5
Chibnall,
The World of Orderic Vitalis;
Gravett,
Norman Knight.

6
La Crepin, vie de Saint Herluin.

7
Chibnall,
The World of Orderic Vitalis,
pp. 15, 119.

8
Bridgeford, 'Was Count Eustace II of Boulogne the Patron?'.

9
Urry, 'The Normans in Canterbury'.

10
Ibid.;
Gem (ed.),
St Augustine's Abbey,
pp. 60-61.

11
Domesday Book, p.
30.

12
On Goscelin's life,
The Life of King Edward,
introduction by Barlow.

13
Gem, 'Canterbury and the Cushion Capital'; Gem
(ed.), St Augustine's
Abbey.

14
Gem, 'Canterbury and the Cushion Capital', pp. 88-9.

15
The mention of commercial documents at this early date is said to be unusual.

16
Translated by Gem in 'Canterbury and the Cushion Capital'.

17
Gem, 'Canterbury and the Cushion Capital', pp. 86-7, commentary and discussion pp. 88ff.

18
Lambert of Ardres,
The History of the Counts of Guines and the Lords of Ardres,
pp. 141-2.

19
Gem (ed.),
St Augustine's Abbey,
chapter 3 (Ann Williams); Bernstein,
Mystery of the Bayeux Tapestry, p.
54.

2
Vallery-Radot,
La Cathedrale de Bayeux, p.
41. The scene dates from 1857. There seems no evidence of any pre-existing similar sculpture linking the tapestry with the cathedral.

3
Wace,
Roman de Rou,
III, lines 5685ff.

4
Ibid.,
Ill, lines 6453ff.

5
Interestingly, the image depicted in the tapestry seems identical to how William's ship is described in the
Ship List of William the Conqueror,
except that for some curious and as yet unexplained reason the embroidered version is a mirror image of that in the
Ship List.
Van Houts, 'The Echo of the Conquest in the Latin Sources'.

6
Wace,
Roman de Rou,
III, lines 8115ff.

7
The conjectures which follow are indebted to H. Prentout, 'Les Sources de la conquete de PAngleterre' (who put them forward only as conjectures).

8
Vallery-Radot,
La Cathedrale de Bayeux,
pp. 68ff.

9
Ibid., p.
69.

10
Wace,
Roman de Rou,
III, line 11121.

11
Although William of Malmesbury has Harold die in a manner which is reminiscent of the tapestry, his account of Harold's voyage is completely at odds with what we see in the tapestry. Malmesbury has him depart only on a fishing expedition, which is blown off-course to France. Marjorie Chibnall has examined the relationship between the Bayeux Tapestry and Orderic Vitalis and concluded that Orderic either did not know of the tapestry or chose not to use it: Chibnall, 'Orderic Vital et la tapisserie de Bayeux'.

12
Thomson,
A History of Tapestry, p.
91; Thomson also reproduces the inventory.

2
Gem (ed.),
St Augustine's Abbey
(Ann Williams), Chapter 3.

3
Prentout, 'An Attempt to Identify Some Unknown Characters in the Bayeux Tapestry'.

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