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Authors: Scott M. James

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Chapter 3 The Caveman's Conscience

1.
Attempts to characterize what lies
beyond
our moral experience – i.e., the nature of the “moral world” itself – will be discussed in part II.

2.
This does not mean that they have to do as they judge, or even that they have to judge correctly. Even Hitler would count as a moral creature in this minimal sense simply because (we'll assume) he could judge that some actions are forbidden. Being a moral creature has to do with what someone is
capable of
– not what he does.

3.
If I seem overly cautious in my analysis of morality (“morality
appears
to be this and that,” and so on), it's because serious debate continues in philosophy over whether or not these appearances are deceiving. Some philosophers, for example, are happy to admit that morality
appears
one way, but will insist that, in truth, it is another.

4.
In study after study, males around the world consistently rank the attractiveness of females according to just those traits.

5.
Strictly speaking, of course, the best guarantee that Ogg will avoid committing those types of actions (short of disabling him) would be to hard-wire Ogg in such a way that his behavior becomes inflexible. For reasons we'll get to shortly, this option faces real drawbacks.

6.
In the next section we'll explore in more depth the connections between reputation, punishment, and morality.

7.
See
https://www.priestsforlife.org/magisterium/bishops/wuerl-2006-red-mass.htm
.

8.
Recent studies on the evolution of social behavior support this hypothesis, as we'll see in chapter 4.

Chapter 4 Just Deserts

1.
In fact, the anthropologist Robin Dunbar has hypothesized that language evolved in humans precisely because it enabled us to
gossip
. The best way to learn about the behavior and reputation of others is to listen to the “dirt” that's going around. When the psychologist Jonathon Haidt and a student Holly Hom asked fifty-one subjects to keep a journal of longer conversations they had with friends, they discovered that “gossip is overwhelmingly critical, and it is primarily about the moral and social violations of others” (2006: 54). “Gossip,” concludes Haidt, “is a policeman and a teacher.”

2.
I take this to be especially important in coming to understand the nature of morality itself, as I argue in chapter 12.

3.
Punishment appears to be costly in another way. Psychologists Kevin Carlsmith, Daniel Gilbert, and Timothy Wilson (2008) showed that revenge is not all that sweet. When subjects were exploited in a public goods game (by an undercover member of the experiment team who, after pleading with other members to invest heavily, defected), some subjects had the option to retaliate; other subjects did not. Those subjects who had the option to punish and did so “reported a significantly worse mood” after punishing than those subjects who did not have the option but expressed a wish to punish. Moreover, punishers ruminated far longer about the free-rider than those unable to punish. Evidently, contrary to folk wisdom, turning the other cheek can indeed be more satisfying.

4.
As I write, the public is coming to grips with Bernard Madoff and the $50 billion investment fraud he committed. When asked by National Public Radio what Madoff's “biggest and hardest-to-forgive transgression” was, the rabbi Mark Borovitz said without hesitation: “The rape of trust. They call it ‘affinity theft.’ … I get you to like me, I get you to trust me and then I not only steal your money, I steal your belief that people are good and decent and caring.” So how will Madoff be punished if, according to Jewish tradition, there is no hell? “Mr. Madoff has to live with this himself … There's nobody that he can turn to without seeing the harm that he's done. And being shunned, being ostracized …
that's hell
.”

5.
As quoted in the
Daily Telegraph
, August 8, 2008.

Chapter 5 The Science of Virtue and Vice

1.
But this conservative explanation may not suffice to explain what Warneken and his colleagues saw (2009): chimpanzees were nearly as helpful as infants when someone was in need. And like the infants tested, the chimps were prompted to respond “even in the absence of encouragement or praise.”

2.
In some cases, patients exhibit other recognition impairments – for example, an inability to recognize common plants and animals or an inability to recognize places or facial expressions.

3.
When we are exposed to images depicting individuals in severe distress (victims of car accidents, patients undergoing crude surgeries), our bodies react in characteristic ways: our heart-rate increases, our palms sweat, our blood pressure rises. These are responses of the autonomic nervous system, a system that operates (mostly) independently of our will. Individuals identified as psychopathic do not show such reactions. They are indifferent to the distress of others.

4.
The psychologist Joshua Greene reports that “the posterior cingulate gyrus, a region that exhibits increased activity during a variety of emotion-related tasks, was less active in the psychopathic group than in the control subjects” 2005: 343).

5.
Just to be sure: in (1) “himself”
must
refer to
Bill.
In (2) “himself” could be just about anybody (as long as, I suppose, he's male). In (3), “him” could refer to just about anybody
but
Bill
. Bill
can't be the referent of “him” in (3). In (4) the correct imperative is “Is the boy who is happy missing?” And in (5) the correct imperative is “Was the duck sad that the chicken was missing?”

6.
For example, while almost all human languages are either subject-verb-object (as is English: “He opened the box”) or subject-object-verb (as is Japanese), virtually none is object-subject-verb. This should indeed be striking if, as non-nativists maintain, human language is not innately constrained.

7.
Advertisers are forever crafting slogans that have just the right
something
to spread throughout the population of consumers. For (the thinking goes) the more people remember your slogan, the more they remember the product, and the more they remember the product, the more likely they are to purchase that product.

Chapter 6 Social Harmony: The Good, the Bad, and the Biologically Ugly

1.
There are some constraints, of course. Variations in organismic form build off existing forms, so while one's offspring might, through some mutation, develop a thicker plumage, one's offspring won't develop a full plumage where none existed before.

Chapter 7 Hume's Law

1.
This is really just the tip of a vast philosophical iceberg. At the risk of running us entirely off the tracks, I'm going to leave this discussion where it is, hoping that my reader has some sense of the distinction. For more on this, see the Further Reading at the end of the chapter.

2.
Hume died eighty-three years
before
the publication of the
Origin
, so we cannot say, for obvious reasons, that Hume was a critic of Social Darwinism. We could probably get away with saying that Hume
would have been
a critic of Social Darwinism.

Chapter 8 Chapter 8 Moore's Naturalistic Fallacy

1.
I am assuming that the question is not being asked jokingly or ironically – or in some other non-standard way made evident by the context. This is a question put forward sincerely.

Chapter 9 Rethinking Moore and Hume

1.
The philosopher James Rachels (1990: 70–1) draws the distinction this way. It's one thing to offer a
definition
of a term (like “bachelor” or “water”); it's another thing to offer a
criterion
of a term.

2.
One of the central tasks of normative epistemology is examining the nature of justification as it figures in claims to knowledge. Suffice it to say, much disagreement persists.

Chapter 11 Contemporary Evolutionary Anti-Realism

1.
And many others besides Spencer. Joyce takes at aim at several recent attempts to vindicate a kind of moral realism in the context of evolution: Robert Richards (1986), Richmond Campbell (1996), Daniel Dennett (1995), and William Casebeer (2003).

2.
This is not unlike the example I introduced in chapter 10 regarding the engine warning light on your dashboard. Since the light's appearance was not caused by an engine malfunction (but by some arbitrary short-circuit elsewhere), you are not justified in believing that there's an engine malfunction on the basis of the light alone.

3.
To be fair, not all philosophers will gladly accept this. The view I am presupposing here is naive realism, according to which the world's properties are pretty much as we perceive them to be. The view receives unanimous(?) support from common sense. It receives mixed support from philosophers.

4.
The philosopher Philip Kitcher presses the same point: “there's no issue here of perceiving moral truths … The criterion of success isn't accurate representation, but the improvement of social cohesion” (2005: 176).

Chapter 12 Options for the Evolutionary Realist

1.
The philosopher Crispin Wright laments that “a philosopher who asserts that she is a realist about … ethics, has probably, for most philosophical audiences, accomplished little more than to clear her throat” (1992: 1).

2.
Casebeer's proposal is unorthodox in more ways than one: virtue ethics is standardly thought to be a normative ethical position – not a metaethical position. That is, virtue ethics has traditionally aimed at giving us guidance on how to live, not at explaining the underlying metaphysical structure of moral talk and behavior.

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