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Authors: Giles Milton
Big Chief Elizabeth: The Adventures and Fate of the First English Colonists in America (34 page)
BOOK: Big Chief Elizabeth: The Adventures and Fate of the First English Colonists in America
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This had not been possible in the 1580s, for smoking was still very much a novelty. But much had changed in the intervening years. Pipe smoking had become a commonplace rather than a luxury, and despite King James’s well-publicised aversion to smoking, more and more of his courtiers had followed Ralegh’s example and taken up the custom of “drinking” tobacco. The popularity of the new pastime had led to a flurry of publications about the merits and drawbacks of smoking. Although no one went so far as to suggest it was bad for the health, a few critics hinted that it was addictive, and criticised its “wanton and excessive use.” But a far greater number extolled its benefits. Roger Marbecke was one of the most vocal; he championed the cause of heavy smokers in his Defence
of Tabacco,
reviving the old argument that tobacco was an effective cure for the rheum and reminding the antipipe fraternity that “we are by nature subject to overmuch moisture and rheumatic matter.” It was a line of reasoning that was eagerly adopted by the slop-bellied elite, for the logical conclusion to such an argument was that the more one ate, the more one needed to smoke, and the more one smoked, the more one could eat.
of Tabacco,
reviving the old argument that tobacco was an effective cure for the rheum and reminding the antipipe fraternity that “we are by nature subject to overmuch moisture and rheumatic matter.” It was a line of reasoning that was eagerly adopted by the slop-bellied elite, for the logical conclusion to such an argument was that the more one ate, the more one needed to smoke, and the more one smoked, the more one could eat.
Increased demand had pushed prices sky-high. In 1600 tobacco was, according to John Aubrey, “sold for its weight in silver.” He claimed to have heard “some of our old yeomen neighbours say that when they went to Malmesbury or Chippenham Market, they culled out their best shillings to lay in the scales against the tobacco.” This should have been the best possible news for Jamestown, but there was one major drawback that even Harriot had neglected to mention. The tobacco that grew in Virginia was
Nicotiana
rustica
, a sour-flavoured leaf that was “poore and weake and of a byting tast.” It was so disgusting that even the most fanatical of smokers ended up spluttering into their beards after an evening puffing it in their pipes. By the time King James was on the throne, virtually all of the tobacco smoked in England was
Nicotiana tobacum
, a far superior plant, which came from the Spanish New World. The economic consequence of this was severe: tons of English silver ended up in the pockets of Spanish tobacco merchants, which added fuel to the fire of the critics who bemoaned the fact that “the treasure of this land is vented for smoke.”
Nicotiana
rustica
, a sour-flavoured leaf that was “poore and weake and of a byting tast.” It was so disgusting that even the most fanatical of smokers ended up spluttering into their beards after an evening puffing it in their pipes. By the time King James was on the throne, virtually all of the tobacco smoked in England was
Nicotiana tobacum
, a far superior plant, which came from the Spanish New World. The economic consequence of this was severe: tons of English silver ended up in the pockets of Spanish tobacco merchants, which added fuel to the fire of the critics who bemoaned the fact that “the treasure of this land is vented for smoke.”
One man who agreed with this conclusion—but who was also an inveterate smoker—was John Rolfe, who had sailed for Virginia on the
Sea Venture
, the ship that was wrecked in the Bermudas in 1609. He was fortunate to rescue his sea chest from the surf, for among his doublets and ruffs he carried a tiny packet of seeds that he hoped to plant on reaching Jamestown. These were seeds of the fine-tasting Nicotiana tobacum, and Rolfe’s aim was to cultivate enough plants to keep him in tobacco for the rest of his days. But he also kept one eye fixed on the possibility of making his fortune out of his experiment. The Rolfes were a canny clan, and John’s father’s epitaph might have equally served as his own: “he increased his property … by exporting and importing such things as England abounded in or needed.”
Sea Venture
, the ship that was wrecked in the Bermudas in 1609. He was fortunate to rescue his sea chest from the surf, for among his doublets and ruffs he carried a tiny packet of seeds that he hoped to plant on reaching Jamestown. These were seeds of the fine-tasting Nicotiana tobacum, and Rolfe’s aim was to cultivate enough plants to keep him in tobacco for the rest of his days. But he also kept one eye fixed on the possibility of making his fortune out of his experiment. The Rolfes were a canny clan, and John’s father’s epitaph might have equally served as his own: “he increased his property … by exporting and importing such things as England abounded in or needed.”
Rolfe planted his seeds shortly after his arrival in Jamestown. Much to his surprise, they sprouted into healthy plants whose large leaves were soon ready to be picked and cured. There followed an agonising wait while the tobacco dried. After a few months, Rolfe asked fellow colonist Ralph Hamor to take part in the “experience and triall.” No sooner had the two men lit their pipes than they realised that they were sampling a sublime smoking tobacco which was both smooth and strong and also had a lingering aftertaste. “No country under the sunne may, or doth, affoord more pleasant, sweet and strong tobacco then I have tasted there [in Jamestown],” wrote Hamor. He penned a letter to the London merchants informing
them of the exciting news that it would not be long before Rolfe and his fellow colonists “will make and returne such tobacco this yeere that even England shall acknowledge the goodnesse thereof.”
them of the exciting news that it would not be long before Rolfe and his fellow colonists “will make and returne such tobacco this yeere that even England shall acknowledge the goodnesse thereof.”
Rolfe himself was more cautious, yet he was quietly impressed by the success of his experiment and devoted his evening hours to curing his leaves. “Tobacco [is] verie commodyous,” he wrote, “which thriveth so well that (no doubt) after a little more triall and experience in the curing thereof it will compare with the best in the West Indies.”
This “triall” took almost two years, but by 1612 Rolfe was confident that his tobacco was a match for anything grown by the Spanish. He sent a small batch back to England and awaited the reaction of London’s courtiers. Their response was extremely positive. They concurred with Rolfe’s claim that his own leaves were as fine as those that came from Spain’s merchants, and many predicted that his tobacco would prove the saving of Jamestown. “This commodity tobacco,” wrote Ralegh’s old friend Robert Harcourt, “will bring as great a benefit and profit to the undertakers as ever the Spaniards gained by the best and richest silver myne in all their Indies.” He was absolutely right: large bales of tobacco were soon being shipped to England to satisfy the demand, and most colonists were growing “enough to buy clothes and such necessaries as are needfull for themselves and household.” Soon they had earned enough money to warrant the Virginia Company’s sending a ship “furnished with all manner of clothing, household stuff and such necessaries to establishe a magazin [shop] there.” Tobacco had quickly become Jamestown’s “principall commodytie”—and the colony had its first shop.
Dale was alarmed rather than pleased at the industriousness of Rolfe and his fellow colonists. He had put considerable effort into persuading them to till the land for planting much-needed food crops. Now, to his dismay, he discovered that the plants sprouting in the fields were not wheat or oats but tobacco. Since this was certain to lead to food shortages, he immediately issued another of his infamous
decrees: “no farmer … shall plant anie tobacco unles he shall yerely manure, sett and mayntayne for himself and every manservaunt twoe acres of ground with corne.” If the colonists obeyed this order, then “they may plant as much tobacco as they will.” If not, then “all their tobacco shalbe forfeyte to the colony.”
decrees: “no farmer … shall plant anie tobacco unles he shall yerely manure, sett and mayntayne for himself and every manservaunt twoe acres of ground with corne.” If the colonists obeyed this order, then “they may plant as much tobacco as they will.” If not, then “all their tobacco shalbe forfeyte to the colony.”
Dale had been right to worry about the lack of crops, for food once again ran short as soon as winter approached. To avoid a repetition of the “starving time,” he sent Samuel Argall, one of his captains, on a food-bartering expedition to the Indians that lived on the Potomac River—tribes found to be friendly on previous visits.
Although food was Argall’s principal objective, he also had a more ambitious project in mind—one that had been proposed by the merchants of the Virginia Company, probably on the advice of Sir Walter Ralegh. In the absence of any news of John White’s lost colonists, they had sent instructions “to procure from them [the Indians] some of theire children, to be brought up in our language and manners.” It was hoped that once these Indian youths spoke English, they would be able to reveal undisclosed secrets about their land. The merchants also suggested that a few priests be sent back to England in order that they might be converted to Christianity. Christianised Indians, it was believed, would be less warlike than pagan ones.
Captain Argall headed for the Potomac River and renewed his acquaintance with the local chieftain, Iapassus, who readily agreed to barter his grain for trinkets. Laden with more food than he could carry, the captain then turned to his second objective—cajoling an Indian into accompanying him back to Jamestown. He had no particular care as to the identity of this captive until he learned that a most enticing hostage was within his grasp. “Whilst I was in this businesse,” he wrote, “I was told by certaine Indians, my friends, that the great Powhatan’s daughter, Pocahontas, was [nearby].” This sent him into a flurry of excitement, for he knew that such a wellborn captive would prove a valuable bargaining chip “for the ransoming
of so many Englishmen as were with Powhatan, as also to get such armes and tooles as hee, and other Indians, had got by murther.” Argall immediately began to hatch a plot, “resolving to possesse myselfe of her by any stratagem that I could use.”
of so many Englishmen as were with Powhatan, as also to get such armes and tooles as hee, and other Indians, had got by murther.” Argall immediately began to hatch a plot, “resolving to possesse myselfe of her by any stratagem that I could use.”
His plan was calculated, pragmatic, and altogether more cunning than the one being pursued by Sir Thomas Dale. The governor had attempted to check Powhatan’s authority by murdering his subjects. Argall preferred to use guile to achieve the same result. He gave a sackload of trinkets to his “old friend” Chief Iapassus and asked him “how and by what meanes he might procure hir captive.”
Iapassus was wary about becoming involved with such a dangerous scheme. Pocahontas, after all, was Powhatan’s favourite daughter, and the emperor would be sure to revenge himself on the Potomac Indians if any harm befell her. But Captain Argall assured the chieftain that he would “use her with all faire and gentle entreaty.” After much persuasion, Iapassus agreed to lend his support, suggesting that Argall use “his wife [as] an instrument” to coax young Pocahontas aboard the English vessel.
The plan was straightaway put into effect and everything went smoothly. Although Pocahontas was reluctant to visit the ship, the chieftain’s wife assured her that there was nothing to fear. “So, forthwith, aboord they went, the best cheere that could be made.” As Argall’s three guests ate their meal, Iapassus casually asked if they could spend the night on the ship. Pocahontas was taken aback by such a strange request, but she did not wish to offend her host by objecting. “Supper ended [and] Pocahontas was lodged in the gunner’s roome” while Iapassus and his wife slept nearby.
Pocahontas spent a fretful night on board, being “possesed with feare and desire of returne,” and she woke at the crack of dawn and begged Iapassus to be gone. But the chieftain stalled for time, giving Argall the chance to break the news that she was now a hostage. Pocahontas was “exceeding pensive and discontented” when she realised that she had been the victim of trickery. She begged Iapassus
to secure her release, but although he said he was “no les discontented that he should be the meanes of her captivity,” he held out little hope of success.
to secure her release, but although he said he was “no les discontented that he should be the meanes of her captivity,” he held out little hope of success.
Now that Argall had the “princess” under armed guard, he explained the reasons for his actions. He apologised for taking her hostage, but reminded her that her father was holding “eight of our English men” as well as “many swordes, peeces and other tooles.” Pocahontas quickly realised that there was little use in resisting, and allowed herself to be taken to Jamestown. A messenger was immediately sent to Powhatan to inform him that “if he would send home the Englishmen … and also a great quantitie of corne, that then he should have his daughter restored; otherwise not.”
The news “much grieved” Powhatan, but he stalled for time, dispatching seven English prisoners back to Jamestown and assuming that Pocahontas was worth more to the English alive than dead. In this he was correct; Sir Thomas Dale issued strict instructions that she was to be well treated, and also asked one of the settlement’s young ministers to begin instructing her in the Christian faith. Such a policy had been proposed some years earlier by Ralegh, who held it “very reasonable and charitable to send preachers, safely guarded if need bee, to offer infidells the gladd tidings of the Gospell.”
Several months passed without any new messages from Powhatan. He was sent a reminder that “it should be at his choice whether he would establish peace or continue enemies with us.” Still there was no response. The emperor seemed to have retreated into the wilderness, abandoning his “dearest darling daughter” to her English captors.
By the spring of 1614, Dale had grown so impatient that he decided to take matters into his own hands. Anxious to meet Powhatan face to face, he selected 150 of his best men and “went up into his owne river where his cheifest habitations were, and carried with us his daughter, either to move them to fight for her … or to restore the residue of our demand.”
Word of Dale’s expedition spread like wildfire. The Indians made “a great bravado … demaunding the cause of our comming thither.” The armour-clad English responded by shouting to the tribesmen that the purpose of their mission “was to deliver Pocahontas, whom purposely we had brought with us, and to receive our armes, men and corne.” A few of the more nervous chieftains asked what would happen if Powhatan refused to strike a deal. Dale’s answer was as uncompromising as ever, warning them he would “fight with them, burn their howses, take away their canoas, breake downe their fishing weares, and doe them what other damages we could.”
Captain Argall bribed an Indian chief to help coax Pocahontas on board his ship. His actions were to prove the turning point in Jamestown’s fortunes
He meant every word: when one tribe lifted their bows and fired on the governor’s boat, Dale “went ashoare and burned in that verie place some forty houses and of the things we found therein made freeboote and pillage … [and] hurt and killed five or sixe of these men.” The Indians were so shocked at the ferocity of his attack that they told him “they themselves would be right glad of our love and would indeavour to helpe us to what we came for.”
BOOK: Big Chief Elizabeth: The Adventures and Fate of the First English Colonists in America
7.78Mb size Format: txt, pdf, ePub
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