Bosworth: The Birth of the Tudors (43 page)

It is not difficult to envisage who may have been involved in planning the elaborate ceremony, treating Henry’s arrival at Lichfield as if it were some kind of coronation triumph. Three days previously, Thomas, Lord Stanley had arrived at the city with an entourage of about 5,000 armed men. Leaving Lichfield before Henry had the chance to make an entry into the city, Stanley journeyed instead to Atherstone, on the edge of the Roman road at Watling Street, where he intended to wait for Henry’s army to arrive. For several days, Thomas Stanley had appeared to withdraw each time Henry’s army had advanced, shadowing his movement. In doing so, Stanley would be able to defend his actions to the king, by blocking the road to London his forces were preventing the rebel advance. ‘This he did,’ Vergil observed, ‘to avoid suspicion, fearing if before they should come to hand strokes he should overtly show himself to stand and hold with earl Henry, least that King Richard, who as yet did not utterly mistrust his loyalty, might kill his son George.’ Stanley may have been certain of his own tactics, yet for Henry the prevarication was nailbiting. At any time, Stanley could turn against him, destroying Henry’s cause, if it meant saving his own son’s life.

When scouts sent out by the king returned, they informed Richard that Henry Tudor had entered Lichfield to great fanfare. The king knew that he could not afford to delay a confrontation any longer. Henry’s army was advancing fast towards Watling Street. If he did not act now to stop Henry’s march, he risked being overtaken, leaving Tudor with an open road into the capital.

Richard would need to move his troops out of Nottingham, towards Leicester, as soon as he possibly could. According to Vergil, the city thronged with ‘a huge number of men in arms’ that were assembled
there, ‘his soldiers being brought forth into good array’. Yet Richard still believed that his army remained unprepared. Henry’s haste, the Crowland chronicler recorded, ‘moving by day and night towards a direct confrontation’, had forced the king to move his troops in spite of the army being ‘not yet fully assembled’.

With letters having been sent out just eight days before on 11 August, it had taken time for levies of armies to be prepared. Soldiers from the north were slow in making up the distance, though their own delays and uncertainty in sending men to Richard had not helped. After the citizens of York had sent John Nicholson and John Sponer to Richard to clarify how many troops were needed, news of the king’s instructions did not reach York until 19 August, after Nicholson had made a round trip of over 140 miles. When the city authorities assembled in the council chamber on Friday morning, they listened to Nicholson’s report listing Richard’s demand for 400 men. ‘It was determined upon the report … which was commen home from the king’s grace,’ the council register recorded, ‘that iiiixx [80] men of the city defensibly arrayed, John Hastings gentleman to the mace being captain, should in all haste possible depart towards the king’s grace for the subduing of his enemies.’ The council resolved to meet again at two o’clock to muster their troops: each soldier was to receive 10 shillings for ten days, with 12 pence a day thereafter. Even if the troops departed straight away at 2 p.m., it would not have been possible for men to arrive until 22 August if they rode on horseback, or more likely 23 August if they marched on foot. Complicit delays such as these meant that even as many began to set off towards Nottingham, they would find that the king had already departed and would miss the battle. Robert Morton of Bawtry, county York, a kinsman of John, Bishop of Ely and a son-in-law of a former retainer of Lord Hastings who had been taken into Richard’s service, made his will on 20 August, ‘going to maintain our most excellent King Richard III against the rebellion raised against him in this land’. In fact Morton may have made his preparations, but left too late to arrive at the battle in time.

In particular, two noblemen on whom Richard had hoped to depend were missing. The Great Chronicle of London infers that both Thomas Stanley and the Earl of Northumberland, despite each having ‘great companies’, ‘made slow speed’ towards Richard, and had
yet to arrive, forcing the king to leave Nottingham without them.

By every account, Richard’s departure from Nottingham was a spectacular occasion. In spite of the fact, one chronicler wrote, that ‘its numbers were not yet fully made up’, the size of the army that Richard had amassed was staggering. ‘Here was found ready to fight for the king a greater number of soldiers than had ever been seen before in England’. It seems that most of Richard’s army would have been on horseback. According to Mancini, troops brought horsemen with them: ‘Not that they are accustomed to fight from horseback, but because they use horses to carry them to the scene of the engagement, so as to arrive faster and not tired by the fatigue of the journey: therefore they will ride any sort of horse, even pack horses. On reaching the field of battle the horses are abandoned, they all fight under the same conditions so that no one should retain any hope of fleeing.’ In his letter of 11 August, Richard had also demanded from Henry Vernon that he attend ‘ye in your person with such number as ye have promised unto us sufficiently horsed and harnessed be with us in all haste to you possible’.

Riding along the road from Nottingham to Leicester, Richard ordered his entire army into a defensive formation, commanding his troops ‘to march forward in square battle that way by the which they understood their enemies would come’. In the middle of the square formation, all ‘impediments’ were ‘gathered into the midst of the army’. This included ‘a great mass of treasure’, which one observer described as ‘all the king’s treasure’, along with Richard himself, mounted on ‘a great white courser’ accompanied ‘with his guard’ by his side. On either side of the army ‘did follow the wings of horsemen ranging on both sides’, keeping the army in its tight formation. The army arrived at Leicester shortly before sunset, where Richard was joined by the army gathered by the Duke of Norfolk, who was already quartered in the city. Tradition suggests that Richard spent the night at Leicester at an inn named the White Boar on Northgate Street, a timbered building that upstairs had ‘a large gloomy chamber’ set with beams carved with images of ‘vine tendrils executed in vermillion’, setting up his own bed that had been brought from Nottingham Castle with his baggage train. Robert Brackenbury had still to arrive from the Tower with its ordnance, while the Earl of Northumberland was yet to reach the city on his journey
from the north, though Richard expected both to reach Leicester by the morning. That evening he sent out further scouts to discover ‘where the enemy were likely to rest the following night’, as Richard prepared for sleep and the final march to the battlefield where he hoped to finally destroy his rival.

Departing from Lichfield, Henry had moved seven miles south-east towards Tamworth. Although Henry gave the impression of ‘noble courage’ as his forces increased in number ‘wherever he went’, privately he remained anxious, his thoughts being subsumed by ‘a great fear’. Still unsure of Thomas Stanley’s commitment, he had been informed by his spies of the alarming size of the army that Richard had gathered: ‘nothing was stronger … nothing more ready’. When he discovered that Richard ‘with a host innumerable, was at hand’, he began to question his own ability to defeat the king, having second thoughts about the entire enterprise. Needing time to think and assess his position, Henry allowed his troops to continue their march while he remained behind with twenty armed men, ‘so as to deliberate what to do’ as he followed ‘gloomily’ at a distance. As night fell, Henry somehow became detached from his army, and ‘lost sight of its tracks’. According to Vergil,

The episode, related only by Vergil, remains shrouded in mystery. Henry’s own thoughts during these dark moments of uncertainty can only be guessed at, though a stroke of fortune would allow him to hide the real reasons behind what seemed a temporary desertion of his forces. Who were these ‘secret friends’?

The answer may lie in an episode told by the Great Chronicle of London. As Sir Robert Brackenbury travelled up from London to meet Richard at Leicester, around Stony Stratford he had been deserted by Walter Hungerford, Thomas Bourgchier ‘and many other’ who then intended to make their way towards Henry. A former Lancastrian, Hungerford had become a loyal servant of Edward IV, and was later to join the household of Edward V. Both men had been involved in Buckingham’s rebellion, Hungerford in the Wiltshire rebellion, and Bourgchier in Kent. Richard had chosen to pardon Hungerford, restoring to him his lands. Yet Richard remained wary of his loyalty, ordering that Brackenbury bring both men with him to the battlefield together with other gentlemen ‘whom he had in suspicion’. Understanding that Richard ‘had them in jealousy, because they would not be brought to their enemy against their wills’, Vergil relates how they forsook Brackenbury, travelling towards Henry’s camp ‘in the night season’. The Great Chronicle infers that Brackenbury, who ‘held good countenance’ with them and ‘had for many of them done right kindly’, did little to prevent their departure, with Hungerford and his men ‘giving to him thanks for his kindness before showed, and exhorted him to go with them, for they feared not to show unto him that they would go unto that other party, and so departed, leaving him almost alone’.

Late in the evening of 20 August, with their leader having mysteriously disappeared, Henry’s troops decided to camp on the river plain in the shadow of Tamworth Castle, where they were joined by Hungerford and Bourgchier who ‘yielded themselves to his obeisance’. They were not the only ones who were attempting to make contact with Henry that evening. According to the Great Chronicle of London, ‘many of the knights and esquires of this land, they gathered much people in the king’s name and straight sped them unto that other party, by mean whereof his power hugely increased’, while Vergil wrote how ‘there flocked to him also many other noble men of war, who from day to day hated King Richard worse than all men living’.

It seems that, with several bands of armed men making their way across Watling Street to join Henry, Thomas Stanley’s own preparations were thrown into confusion. According to the ‘Ballad of Bosworth Field’, Stanley’s camp, having settled at Atherstone ‘in a dale cold’, discovered news that an armed band of men was fast approaching.
Stanley himself believed that it was Richard’s army: he would be forced to declare his hand, and confront the king’s troops before Henry arrived from Lichfield. Spending the night at Atherstone, in the early hours of Sunday 21 August, after hearing Mass they moved ‘toward the field’, arranging their troops in array with Thomas Stanley taking the vanguard, Sir William Stanley the rearguard, with Thomas Stanley’s fifth son Edward taking a wing, where they remained waiting for Richard’s attack. It seems that there may have been some kind of skirmish during the night, according to the ‘Ballad of Bosworth Field’:

There may be some truth behind there being some kind of initial skirmish, if not several, taking place during the night of 20 August and the early morning of the 21st. If later inquisitions post mortem are taken at face value, Richard Boughton, the sheriff of Warwickshire and Leicestershire, is recorded as having died on 20 August, John Kebell of Rearsby in Leicestershire on the 21st; both were prominent Leicestershire figures who had been retainers of Lord Hastings, but had continued to serve Richard as JPs. A separate group of men, from around the Essex area, are also recorded as having died on 20 or 21 August, including John Cock of Chadwell St Mary in Essex, who died on the 20th, William Curson of Brightwell in Suffolk, who died on the 21st, Thomas Hampden of Great Hampden in Buckinghamshire but who also owned lands at Theydon Mount in Essex died on the same day, as did William Joyce, who may have been the same person as William Joys of Halesworth in Suffolk. None of these men held any office under Richard, but they did all live near to Castle Hedingham in Essex, the ancestral home of John, Earl of Oxford. Could these men, making their way to join Oxford in Henry’s camp, have been intercepted by loyal enforcers of Richard’s regime along the way? If the Essex men had travelled from the location of Castle Hedingham, they would have taken the Roman road from Cambridge to Leicester, before joining Watling Street at its junction at Mancetter. It may have been possible,
that in doing so, they had been forced to confront Richard’s men or had become caught up in a battle with the Stanleys.

The following morning, hearing the sound of ‘trumpets and tabors tempered on high’ from a ‘forest side’, Stanley’s men prepared themselves for Richard’s attack. They were surprised to find that it was in fact Henry arriving from Tamworth, riding on a ‘bay courser’.

It was at the Cistercian abbey at Merevale near Atherstone where Henry finally met Thomas Stanley. Henry’s relief at making contact with the man whose intentions he had remained unsure of until just hours before was shared by many who were present. ‘It was a goodly sight to see the meeting of them’, one observer later remarked. According to Vergil, Henry and Stanley took each other ‘by the hand, and yielding mutual salutation’, both were ‘moved to great joy’, after which ‘they entered in counsel in what sort to arraigne battle with King Richard, if the matter should come to strokes, whom they heard to be not far off’. After planning the disposition of both armies for battle, the meeting ended with further good news for Henry, with more defections arriving at his camp, including John Savage, Brian Sandford and Simon Digby, together with ‘many others, revolting from King Richard’. They brought with them ‘a choice band of armed men’ which cheered Henry’s spirits further, ‘and greatly replenished him with good hope’.