Brown, Dale - Independent 04 (22 page)

 
          
“But
who gave you the order to pursue him into San Francisco? Who gave you the order
to attack him?”

 
          
This
time the area defense counsel pushed her body in front of the microphone.
“Ladies and gentlemen, Colonel Vincenti will be appearing in front of an Air
Force flight review board and accident investigation board, and he will
certainly be part of the FBI’s investigation. Please don’t try to convict him
in the media as well.”

 
          
“I
think the Captain is right,” Wilkes said, holding up her hands protectively in
front of the area defense counsel. “Colonel Vincenti is not on trial here, and
we don’t expect him to be responsible for what someone like Henri Cazaux does.”
Those remarks made Vincenti and his defense counsel relax—and that’s when
Wilkes continued: “But I think this incident points out the
enormous
hazards involved with asking
the military to participate in any way other than in an indirect supporting
role in law enforcement operations. The military’s primary function is to
destroy and kill, and that’s what Colonel Vincenti was trying to do last night
when he drove Cazaux’s plane over San Francisco.”

 
          
“I
did not
drive
Cazaux over San
Francisco, he flew there all by himself,” Vincenti snapped. He stepped over
toward the microphone, and Wilkes had no choice but to give ground. “And the
military’s primary job is
not
to
destroy and kill—our job is to ensure national security by protecting this
country from all enemies, domestic as well as foreign. A terrorist in the sky
is a threat to our national security, and it calls for a military response.
Just because we operate over American soil rather than foreign soil doesn’t
mean the military can’t or shouldn’t do the job. The cops and the federal
authorities—even the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms—are all
outgunned. Cazaux realizes this now—”

 
          
“Excuse
me, Colonel, but this is not the time for a sermon or a call to arms,” Wilkes
said, smiling benignly as if Vincenti had cracked a joke or was a streetcomer
preacher. “The FBI can handle Henri Cazaux
—that
I promise.

 
          
“I
think that concludes this press conference,” Wilkes said into the microphone.
“Thank you, ladies and gentlemen, thank you for coming.” Wilkes’ security team
appeared in front of the podium as if by magic, and except for a few questions
shouted out by reporters, the briefing was over. But Wilkes was not through.
She stepped away from the microphone, turned her back on the cameras and
reporters, and seethed at Vincenti, “I strongly advise you, Colonel, to keep
your mouth
shut
and to cooperate in
every way possible with this investigation. This is not the time to be mouthing
off about things you know nothing about. Do you understand me, Colonel?”

 
          
Vincenti
was going to reply, but a sudden motion got his attention. He saw an Air Force
C-20B, a military version of the Gulfstream III business jet, roll up to the
parking ramp, aiming directly at the podium—and it kept on coming. Just as it
appeared as if it was going to hit the red rope at the edge of the ramp, and
just as the FBI security agents started to reach for their concealed weapons,
the jet turned away, came to a stop, and shut down engines. As it was obviously
intended, the members of the press stopped and turned their full attention to
the jet as the airstair opened up and the C- 20’s passengers emerged.

 
          
Vincenti
was surprised—no, shocked—not by the look of the man who came down out of the
C-20, but by Lani Wilkes’ reaction to seeing him. The tall, wiry, gray-haired
man that stepped out of the Air Force VIP jet commanded instant attention.

 
          
The
other men and women that followed the first man were well-known national
figures as well—including the former Vice President of the United States, Kevin
Martin- dale; the junior U.S. senator from Texas, Georgette Heyerdahl; the U.S.
House of Representatives’ Minority Leader from Georgia, Paul Wescott; and a
congressman from the San Francisco Bay Area, Samuel Leyland—and it was
Martindale who took the lead and headed toward Director Wilkes and the podium,
but the press was riveted on the tall, imposing man beside him.

 
          
“I
sincerely apologize for this late arrival and our intrusion,” Kevin Martindale
said into the microphone as the members of the press hurriedly assembled back
at the podium. “We were watching Judge Wilkes’ press conference on the TV, and
when we saw it was over I didn’t think anyone would mind if we parked here.
Sorry for the lousy parking job, but it was my first time at the controls of one
of these babies. It’s hard to drive and read the instruction booklet at the
same time.”

 
          
He
waited for the laughter to die down, then continued: “I’m sure you all know my
colleagues here. Mr. Wescott is of course the House Minority Leader, and our
gracious host for this fact-finding trip. Senator Heyerdahl is the new
cochairman of the Senate Subcommittee on the Future of the Military and
National Defense, part of the Senate Military Affairs Committee, the group
which is trying to design a framework for the
U.S.
military in the next fifteen to fifty
years. And I believe you all know retired Coast Guard Rear Admiral Ian
Hardcastle, former commander of the U.S. Border Security Force, the
antismuggling and border security group, also known as the Hammerheads. Paul
Wescott was kind enough to notify me that Congressman Leyland from San Jose was
heading a congressional investigation on the incident last night, and he
invited myself, Senator Heyerdahl, and Admiral Hardcastle to come along as his
guests and advisers.”

 
          
Wilkes
tried hard not to show it, but the appearance of these four persons, and
especially Ian Hardcastle, was precisely the last thing she needed right now,
and her stomach was doing exasperated backflips.

 
          
Since
the Cabinet-level Department of Border Security was disbanded in 1993 after the
new Administration took office, Ian Hardcastle, who founded the paramilitary
group called the Border Security Force back around 1990, was regularly on every
TV and radio talk show in the country, talking about the decay of the U.S.
military in general and of home defense in particular. Every move the
Administration made in terms of the military—efforts in Somalia, policies
regarding Bosnia, defense cutbacks, gays in the military, base closures, and a
hundred other topics—was routinely criticized by Hardcastle, seemingly minutes
after a decision was made by the President or his Cabinet, oftentimes even
before they made a move. Hardcastle, who was articulate, handsome as hell,
well-read, and knowledgeable about every military program, was a formidable
opponent.

 
          
“I
would first like to extend my sincere condolences to the families and
colleagues of California Air National Guard Major Linda McKenzie; Bureau of
Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms Special Agents Russo, Foreman, Wickers,
Kritchek, and Bowman, and all those who lost a loved one in San Francisco,”
former Vice President Martindale continued. “It was a tragedy of simply
shocking proportions that has outraged this nation. It is absolutely imperative
that Henri Cazaux and all those who were responsible for this insane and
ruthless attack be brought to justice immediately.

 
          
“But
it is also in our best interests to do something to ensure that a tragedy like
this never is allowed to happen again in the future,” Martindale went on. “As
you all know, Admiral Hardcastle has been very actively speaking out against
some of the current Administration’s policies regarding the military and
national security and defense issues. Up until now, his has been largely a lone
voice shouting as it were against the winds of change. Since our defeat in the
last election, Admiral Hardcastle has been encouraging me to give up my
self-imposed exile from the national debates of the issues of the times and get
involved in shaping policies for the future. Unwisely, I resisted.” He
half-turned to Ian Hardcastle, gave him a wry smile, and added, “Frankly, Ian,
you old sea dog, you sometimes come on as quietly as a tidal wave.

 
          
“But
last week, in a speech to the National Press Club, Admiral Hardcastle talked
about the threat of terrorism here in the United States. After reading the text
of his speech, I made a few inquiries into some of the issues he raised and the
accuracy of the facts he presented. In short, Admiral Hardcastle knows what
he’s talking about. He virtually predicted this very incident. That’s when I
decided to join forces with him, the American Congressional Citizens Alliance,
and the Project 2000 Task Force, and accept an invitation by members of
Congress to investigate this tragedy and make some observations about the
threat that faces us and what we can do to stop it.”

 
          
It
was a thinly disguised reason for being here, and Lani Wilkes and most of the
members of the national press knew it. The Project 2000 Task Force was a group
of right-of- center moderates and conservatives who would in all likelihood
form the basis for a major run on the White House in 1996. Formed after the 1992
elections, the American Congressional Citizens Alliance was a mirror image of
the Project 2000 Task Force, composed of present and past members of Congress,
including one-fourth of the U.S. Senate and about one hundred members of the
House of Representatives. After its inception, Project 2000 was most noteworthy
for who was
not
in it, namely, the
former Vice President, Kevin Martindale, who had always been considered a major
front-runner in the next presidential elections. Obviously, with this surprise
appearance as a major player in the Task Force, he was now out of seclusion and
back in the White House hunt. It was a very unexpected and dramatic coming-out
for the former Vice President to take on one of the Administration’s toughest
and most influential personalities. Worse for her, right in the middle of her
own press conference.

 
          
But
such a move was typical of Martindale. A former U.S. Congressman from Minnesota
and former mayor of Minneapolis, Martindale’s style of politics was full-speed-
ahead, smash-face, down-in-the-dirt nasty. It was those traits that had made
him such a prized pit bull in dealing with Congress, the liberal left, and
others during his two terms as Vice President during the previous
Administration. Tough and conservative, he was one of the country’s biggest
advocates of tougher laws, tougher sentences, the death penalty, and a strong
military. During his term as Vice President, he had been a huge supporter of
Admiral Ian Hardcastle’s Border Security Force (the Hammerheads) and his
disdain for the current Administration had been known practically from the
moment the new President was sworn in. Martindale had little use for a man whom
he considered a Southern political snake with a duplicitous and questionable
private life. He had even less use for the President’s wife, a tough-as-nails
political infighter he and every other Republican in the capital referred to
derisively as the Steel Magnolia.

 
          
Representative
Wescott, Senator Heyerdahl, and Representative Leyland all made brief comments
after Vice President Martindale. The usually outspoken Hardcastle declined to
make a comment or take any questions, which probably evoked more questions and
surprise than if he had spoken. Afterward, Martindale and his group left the
podium and encircled FBI Director Wilkes and her staff. “Judge Wilkes, it’s a
pleasure to see you again,” Martindale said, extending a hand. The press, out
of earshot, snapped away as Wilkes took his hand. “I hope you’ll forgive this
intrusion, but the Senate subcommittee wanted to be in on this investigation
from the very beginning, so we had little choice.”

 
          
Wilkes
tried very hard to continue to maintain her composure. “I would be happy to
brief the subcommittee or any other chamber of Congress on the status of this
investigation at any time, Mr. Vice President,” Wilkes said crisply, not
bothering to acknowledge Martindale’s apology. It was obvious to all that she
was greatly displeased with her press-conference-tumed-circus. “It wasn’t
necessary for the Senate to appoint a commission; I pledge full cooperation.
I’m of course happy to see you and pleased to be working with you, but all this
congressional attention to an unfortunate but random act of violence seems
rather unusual, Mr. Vice President.”

 
          
“I
seem to recall an investigation begun by the Senate Judiciary Committee back a
few years ago, around 1991,” Martindale said, affixing the beautiful Lani
Wilkes with a boyish, mischievous hint of a smile, “that produced a lawsuit
against the old Border Security Force in a Mexican drug-smuggling-investigation
incident. You might be familiar with that case, Judge Wilkes—that lawsuit was
filed in
your
court.”