Brown, Dale - Patrick McLanahan 06 (51 page)

 
          
“Bob,
are you suggesting that China
staged
these attacks?” the President asked. “How is that possible? How could they know
a Taiwanese sub was approaching the carrier? How would they know we had a
bomber near that ferry, and how would they know when or if they’d launch
missiles? It’s a real stretch.”

 
          
“I
know it is, sir—I’m making an observation based on what I’m seeing on the news,
with Chinese-supplied video,” Plank said. “But it wouldn’t be hard to set up.
The attack on the carrier would be easy— simply lay some torpedoes in the
water, shoot ’em off, and take pictures as they hit the carrier. The ferry
attack would be harder to stage, but not impossible—lay the torpedoes in the
water, send the ferry out when our Navy ships approach, set off the torpedoes
by remote control, and hope the frigates fire back. I don’t think they
anticipated the Megafortress attacking, but they knew we had stealth aircraft
in the vicinity.”

 
          
“It’s
crazy, Bob,” the President said. “Let’s concentrate on what we know, instead of
what we don’t. I want—”

 
          
He
was interrupted by Jerrod Hale’s hand on his shoulder. “Prime Minister Nagai of
Japan, on the ‘hot line’ for you.”

 
          
“Oh,
shit,” the President muttered. Kazumi Nagai was fluent in English, so the
President needed no translator—no reason to postpone taking this call. He
picked up the phone: “Mr. Prime Minister, this is President Martindale. How are
you today, sir?”

 
          
“I
am fine, Mr. President, and I hope I find you well,” Nagai responded. His
speech was clipped and sharp, yet still respectful enough.

 
          
“You
are calling concerning the news reports about the attacks against Chinese
property, supposedly by American and Taiwanese forces.”

 
          
“Yes,
Mr. President,” Nagai said sharply. “I was surprised and dismayed by the
photographs—we knew nothing of such aircraft, and are very concerned that it
was employed by you in this monstrous attack. Is it true that the aircraft
photographed by Chinese reconnaissance planes that have been shown on CNN
belongs to the United States, and was it involved in the attack on the
passenger ferry in the Formosa Strait?”

 
          
“It’s
true, Mr. Prime Minister,” Martindale replied. “I can explain further, as long
as we are guaranteed full confidentiality of all the information during this
call.”

 
          
“I
agree, Mr. President,” Nagai said. “Please continue.”

 
          
“It’s
an experimental long-range reconnaissance and attack plane, derived from the
B-52 bomber,” the President explained. “The same plane was involved in the
skirmish that resulted in the Chinese nuclear missile attack, but our plane did
not not have anything to do with the nuclear attack, except to intercept at
least one of the Chinese missiles while in flight.”

 
          
“Intercept?
How?”

 
          
“That’s
not important right now, Mr. Prime Minister,” the President said. “Revealing
all the capabilities of the plane has nothing to do with the two incidents.”

 
          
“It
would be better if you allowed
us
to
make that determination, sir,” Nagai said acidly. “But please continue.”

 
          
“In
the most recent incident, the plane was on patrol when it detected a multiple
missile launch from a nearby vessel. The aircrew incorrectly identified the
vessel as a Chinese warship. One of our surface vessels was hit by a
rocket-powered torpedo and was disabled. Fearing a second attack would destroy
the crippled vessel, the armed reconnaissance aircraft returned fire.”

 
          
“But
if it was not a warship that initiated the attack, how could the aircrew launch
an attack on an unarmed passenger ferry?” Nagai asked.

           
“This is as monstrous a mistake as
your accidental downing of the Iranian Airbus over the Persian Gulf! ”

 
          
“Mr.
Prime Minister, this was an accident precipitated by China by making the ferry
look like a warship on electronic sensors, and by launching some kind of
missile attack from the direction of the ferry, perhaps by submarine,”
Martindale said. “I assure you, this accident will not happen again. The
aircraft have been recalled, and an investigation has been launched.”

 
          
“Will
the results of this investigation be kept secret, as the existence and use of
this aircraft has been?”

 
          
“i’ll
see to it that you get a copy of the results of the investigation as soon as it
is prepared,” Martindale said. “I only ask that this matter remain totally
confidential. I hope I’ve answered all your questions. Thank you for—”

 
          
“Mr.
President, I must convey the thoughts of many in my party concerning American
military activities recently,” Nagai interjected, his voice much sterner now.
“It appears that you are very quick to initiate military actions, especially
covert, stealthy actions, versus negotiations and consultations with your
allies. Many members of my government, including members of all political
parties, have expressed outrage over your activities. First, you attacked Iran
without consultations and without a declaration of war; now you are embroiled
in a conflict with China. In neither case were any of your friends or allies
notified or consulted.”

 
          
“All
I can say now, Mr. Prime Minister,” Martindale said, “is that my actions were
necessary and vital to protect our national security interests. Your government
was notified of our plans to initiate military action against Iran because of
its attacks on Persian Gulf states—I’m sorry, but I did not feel it necessary
to explain our plans in detail at the time. The important thing was that a
wider conflict was avoided and peace was restored.”

 
          
“Restored?
Not when oil has nearly doubled in price over the past four months; not when
oil shipments to Japan have been cut by almost ten percent!” Nagai argued
hotly.

 
          
“If
Iran had been successful in closing off the Persian Gulf and destroying the
oil-producing capabilities of the Persian Gulf coast states, what do you think
you’d be paying for whatever oil you got from there, Mr. Nagai?”

 
          
“My
government is also outraged over your decision to support the independence of
Chinese Taipei,” Nagai said, rapidly switching to a different topic. “That was
an ill-advised thing to do, Mr. President. Declaring your support for a rebel
Chinese province, one that is in conflict with many of your Asian allies,
including Japan, was a very unwise course of action.”

 
          
“Again,
Mr. Prime Minister, I thought it was‘best to act quickly in the best interests
of our national security,” Martindale said. “Taiwan’s declaration of
independence was a total surprise to me, as was China’s swift action to form a
naval carrier task force to threaten or destroy Taiwan or its territories.”

 
          
“Your
decision to take Chinese Taipei’s side,” Nagai said, again using the term
“Chinese Taipei” instead of “Taiwan” or “the Republic of China”—that usage
spoke volumes about the depth of Japan’s resentment toward Taiwan—“has inflamed
the anger of many in my country and my government. They feel America no longer
supports Japan’s vital national interests. It would be difficult for my country
to support America’s vital interests in Asia if you no longer support ours.”

 
          
“What
are you saying, Mr. Prime Minister?” the President asked. “America will always
be a strong and loyal ally of Japan.”

 
          
“I
am conveying a warning to you, Mr. President, that America could be made to
feel most unwelcome at its bases located on Japanese soil if it is ever
perceived that Japan’s national interests are not being served,” Nagai said in
carefully measured words.

 
          
“You’re
threatening American bases in Japan if we continue to support the Republic of
China or defend it against mainland China?” Martindale said, trying hard not to
get angry or excited. “Is that what you’re telling me, Mr. Prime Minister?”

 
          
“China
is a valuable trading partner with Japan—we have put aside our historical
differences in favor of growth and prosperity for the future,” Nagai responded.
“Any actions, either against China or on behalf of Chinese Taipei, that might
provoke further economic or military retaliation against Japan would be
considered a hostile act against us. The people of Japan would become
infuriated if it was learned that American warplanes or warships staging out of
bases in Japan were responsible for an economic, political, diplomatic, or
military calamity befalling Japan. In such a case, for example, access to those
bases might be restricted to the supply of fuel and provisions only, not the
supply of weapons.”

           
“You’re saying that if we continue
our actions, Japan will prohibit American military forces from on-loading
weapons for our ships and planes? That’s what I’m hearing from you, Mr. Prime
Minister.”

 
          
“That
is all I have to say on the subject, Mr. President. I hope that we, your true
friends in Asia, are consulted before any other situations arise. What will
your response be to the attack on your warships, Mr. President?”

 
          
“We
will be sending the aircraft carrier
Independence
and its escorts from Yokosuka to the Formosa Strait to assist in recovery
efforts.”

 
          
“The
aircraft carrier? Do you think that is wise, Mr. President?” Nagai asked, with
a tone of voice that revealed his obvious displeasure at the news. “It will be
considered a threatening act against China, a retaliatory action.”

 
          
“We
have a right and a duty to protect our vessels on the high seas, Mr. Prime
Minister,” Martindale said. “The frigates were attacked by Chinese fighters and
attack planes, including bombers.”

 
          
“Obviously
reacting to the attack on their passenger ferry—a purely defensive move,” Nagai
interjected. “Sending your aircraft carrier now will only be considered a
hostile act and a serious escalation of hostilities. May I suggest sending a
support or rescue ship that does not have a strike capability? It will take
your carrier several days to travel to the scene of the incident—other vessels
can be dispatched much quicker.” “We will send whatever vessels or equipment we
feel necessary to save lives and preserve our property and rights of travel on
the high seas,” the President said flatly. “If it takes a carrier, we’ll send
one—or two, or three if necessary. But we will not be chased out of any
international waterways.”

 
          
“That,
sir, sounds like the words of an angry and desperate man,” Nagai said bitterly.
“Again, you flaunt your military power without regard to whom it might affect.
Sir, with all due respect, I suggest you leave the
Independence
in port and assist your stricken warships by some
other means. Japan will be pleased to assist you—we have salvage ships powerful
enough to take your frigate in tow and keep it afloat, and we can provide them
to you immediately. We even know that Chinese Taipei has salvage and rescue
ships that can assist, and they can be on the scene within hours instead of
days. But sending in the carrier
Independence
will only be seen as a hostile act, perhaps even an act of war. My government
cannot support such a decision.”

           
“I’m sorry we can’t count on your
support, Mr. Prime Minister,” the President said. “But we will do whatever we
feel is right and necessary.”

           
“Can you at least assure me that
you will not consider retaliatory or preemptive military actions against the
People’s Republic of
China
? ”

           
“It never was my intention to
initiate any offensive military actions against
China
, sir,” Martindale responded. “All of the
events in the past two weeks have occurred because of China’s aggressive
actions against the Republic of China and against America. Our moves have been
in reaction to Chinese threats and intimidation. If it becomes necessary to
act, we will. But I am not sending any warships into the Formosa Strait to
intimidate, aggravate, threaten, or attack anyone. The carrier
Independence
will assist in recovery
efforts only, and we will not seek retaliation. We will attack only if we come
under attack.”