Brown, Dale - Patrick McLanahan 09 (71 page)

           
“We're not going to deal militarily
with
Russia
,” the President said.

 
          
“What?"

           
“If the Balkan countries want
Russia
to occupy them, let them go ahead and do
so.” Thom said.

 
          
“What
do you mean, ‘if they
want
them to occupy them’?” Goff asked. “Why would
any country
want
Russia
to occupy them?”

 
          
“Robert,
have you heard of any opposition to
Russia
's new peacekeeping role in
Macedonia
?”

 
          
“We
get briefings and see video of anti-Russian protests every day.”

 
          
“But
there's no opposition from the government, the Macedonian parliament is still
in session, there's no government in exile, and the Macedonian army is still
intact,” the President observed. “Yes, we’ve heard from opposition leaders in
their government asking for American troops to counterbalance the Russian
troops, and we've heard dire predictions of a Russian invasion of
Greece
and
Turkey
. But it's all background noise, Robert.”

 
          
“
‘Background noise.’ ” Goff's voice was intentionally monotone, as if he was too
stunned to even react.

 
          
“It’s
all rumor and possibility and threats and panic,” the President said. “It’s
opposition groups in every country in
Europe
vying for position. It's ethnic and religious groups in
this
country
vying for press and donations and influence. It’s congressional representatives
vying for votes and donations. Everyone’s got an agenda. Robert, including you
and me. But their agendas don’t have to influence my thinking.

 
          
“That
goes double when it comes to deploying the armed forces of the
United States
,” the President went on. “I refuse to use
the military as a hammer against anyone who happens to have thoughts, actions,
or policies contrary to ours, no matter how horrific or dangerous they seem to
be.”

 
          
“Then
you're willing to sacrifice the peace, security, and freedom of every one of
the democratic nations in
Europe
,
just like
that,
in order to preserve your way of thinking?” Goff asked
incredulously. “Even if
Russia
takes the Balkans, breaks up NATO,
reoccupies the
Baltic
States
, and
re-erects the Iron Curtain, you’re still willing to stand aside and watch it
all happen?”

           
“You are living in a fantasy world
of someone else’s making, Robert,” the President retorted. “You’re starting to
believe all the hype in the press. Yes, I believe
Russia
has hostile intentions toward the Balkans,
and possibly elsewhere in
Europe
. But
what’s the solution, Robert? Send troops to
Macedonia
or
Albania
or
Bulgaria
? Send in the Sixth Fleet? Then
we'd
be the invaders. We’d turn the Balkans into a battleground, just like before
the start of World War One—”

 
          
“To
preserve freedom and democracy in
Europe
. I
damn well think it’s worth our sacrifice!” Goff retorted. “Would you have stood
aside and let Hitler take
Europe
or
the
British Isles
, or let Mussolini take
Greece
? Would you have let the Japanese
island-hop their way to
California
without opposing them? Would you have let
Israel
defend itself against
Egypt
and
Syria
? Would you have allowed Saddam Hussein to
keep
Kuwait
and then take
Saudi Arabia
?”

 
          
“I'm
not going there, Robert,” Thom snapped. “I’m not going to rewrite history, for
you or for anyone else. I’m only concerned about what I'm going to do here and
now—”

           
“Which is
nothing?
Turn your
back on our friends and allies?”

           
“I’m not going to engage
Russia
or
China
or any other nation unless the very
existence of the
United States of America
is at stake. And I don’t mean losing a few
markets for wheat or soybeans or soda pop—I mean threaten our shores, threaten
our national security.”

 
          
“You're
going to unravel decades of alliances, friendship, and trust between the free
nations of the world. Thomas.”

           
“Am I? Do you think the German
chancellor had this discussion when he decided to divide the Balkans between
themselves and
Russia
? Did the Germans care about NATO? Did
Russia
care about maintaining years of mutual
trust and friendship between us and them? Or do you think they were motivated
by self-interest to do what they felt was right for their countries?”

 
          
“Or
maybe they’re just in it for the money.”

 
          
“So
what if they are?” the President argued. “What if Sen’kov is really getting
billions of dollars from that Russian gangster Kazakov to invade the Balkans
just so he can pul up his pipeline? Do you think the Russian people will stand
idly by and watch him do this? Do you think the Russian military will happily
march into
Albania
and risk another
Afghanistan
or
Chechnya
debacle just so Sen’kov can get rich and
retire wealthy to the
Caribbean
?”

 
          
“Maybe
they can't do anything about it.”

 
          
“Boris
Yeltsin proved that even a nobody can stand up to the power of the Red Army if
he has the strength of his convictions.” Thom said. “History is full of stories
of successful visionaries.”

 
          
“And
dead martyrs,” Goff added.

 
          
“I
don't intend on becoming a martyr, Bob," the President said. “But I am
going to fight for my beliefs. The American people elected me for one simple
reason: to form a government with my vision, my ideals. They wanted less
interference in foreign affairs, to bring our troops home from endless,
pointless peacekeeping missions, to downsize government, improve our quality of
life w ithout raising taxes or polarizing our people, and to make America
strong by putting America first. If they don’t like what I'm doing, there's a
way to get rid of me w ithout my becoming a martyr, too—impeach me. But it
won’t happen, and for one simple reason—because I follow the rule-book: the
Constitution of the
United States
.”

 
          
Secretary
of Defense Goff shook his head, not knowing exactly how to respond to his
friend. He was either a true visionary, he thought, or he was going insane. “So
you're going to let
Russia
and
Germany
march into the Balkans unopposed,” he said
after a long, frustrating pause. “You’re going to let them carve up the
Balkans, followed shortly by
Eastern Europe
, then perhaps by
Western Europe
. We lose all our trading partners and allies in Europe, Then a spark
ignites a third world war, and we either sit on the sidelines and watch Europe
go up in flames, or we have to send another thirty-five million men and women
into combat to restore the peace, like we did in World War Two.”

 
          
“When
the combined Russian and German tanks roll through
Buckingham
Palace
. Robert, you can tell me you told me so,”
the President said, “I don’t think it’s going to happen, at least not on my
watch.”

           
“You’re betting the peace and security
of the entire world on this, Thomas.”

 
          
“If
the world wants peace or the world wants war, Robert, they’ll get whichever
they choose,” Thom said. “My job is to protect and defend the
United States
. I’m going to make
America
the shining example of a strong, peaceful,
democratic nation, and invite others to join
us.
I’m not going to send
our armies out to enforce our ideas of what kind of society or government they
should live under.”

 
          
Robert
Goff shook his head and looked down, and looked at his hands, then at papers on
the President’s desk—anywhere but into his friend’s eyes. He was not convinced
one bit that the President was right, but he knew that arguing with him was not
going to help or change his mind. That’s why he was surprised when the
President clasped him on the shoulder. “You okay. Bob?” he asked softly.

 
          
Only
then did Goff look into the President's eyes. He responded, “Yes, Mr
President.”

 
          
Thom’s
face clouded a bit in disappointment when he heard those words—Goff did not use
them very often when they were alone—but he still smiled warmly. “You still
with me?” he asked.

 
          
“I’m
with you, Thomas,” Goff responded. “Even if it’s there to help pick up the
pieces.” And he turned and departed the Oval Office without saying another
word.

 
          
Thomas
Thom returned to his desk and shuffled some paperwork around without really
noticing what they were, then retreated to his study. He fielded several phone
calls and visits from his secretary, then hit the DND (Do Not Disturb) button
on his phone, settled into his chair, closed his eyes, and began his
deep-breathing exercises, commanding his muscles one by one to relax, and then
letting his mantra echo quietly through his head until, gradually, all
conscious thoughts raced away over the horizon.

 
          
Many
casual practitioners called it a very intense “nap,” but meditation was much
more than just a period of relaxation. The transcendental state was a span of
time, in which the sub-conscious mind was exposed, and at the same time the
conscious mind was free to expand—to roam the vast areas that were generally
closed to it. It was far different from a nap—in fact, meditation was never
meant to be a substitute for sleep. Quite the opposite: the transcendental
process was an energizing, invigorating process, because letting the conscious
mind race about in the wide-open energy field of the subconscious mind filled
both the mind and the body with incredible power. It was akin to a racehorse,
tied to an exercise trundle: it was fine going around in a twenty-foot circle.
It was even better when allowed to run on a mile-and-a-quarter racetrack during
practice or on race day. But let it out into an open field, and the horse
becomes a different animal, random and tireless and almost wild. The human mind
worked the very same way.

 
          
It
was also a two-way exchange. Many thoughts, experiences, even realities existed
in the subconscious mind, and the transcendental state allowed those waves of
energy to emerge. In that sense, meditation was an educational experience, a
way of reliving, preliving, or even creating a whole new lifetime in just an
instant.