Carnal Isræl: Reading Sex in Talmudic Culture (164 page)

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Authors: Daniel Boyarin

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BOOK: Carnal Isræl: Reading Sex in Talmudic Culture
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to resist. Moreover, this seems to have been the Rabbi's plan. Otherwise, what was his intention in suggesting that they make a marriage feast to celebrate their divorce? Indeed, the very language he uses is suggestive, for he says literally, "Just as you coupled with feasting, so shall you separate with feasting," the word "coupled" (
nizdavagtem
) having direct connotations of sexual intercourse. To be sure, he may not have predicted how clever the wife would be in achieving the goal, or what the means would be, but the story only makes sense if the Rabbi was trying by gentle means and indirection to deflect them from their pious path of divorce. But whether or not this reading is accepted, the text is opposing "love'' to procreation as the telos of marriage, and it is love that prevails. It goes without saying that the story, considering the context, must recuperate the halakha by the deus ex machina of the miraculous pregnancy at the end, but by returning to each other for however long it took for the Rabbi's prayers to work, the husband and wife had already violated the halakha, and the teller of the tale clearly approves. This legend may encode a moment of tension between a voice for which procreation was perceived as the sole or the overridingly important telos of marriage and one for which companionship was becoming increasingly important. This tension would bear some typological similarity to the development in the Roman world documented by Paul Veyne: "In the old civic code, the wife was nothing but an accessory to the work of the citizen and paterfamilias. She produced children and added to the family patrimony. In the new code, the wife was a friend, a 'life's companion'" (1987, 37).
33
In point of historical fact, the Jewish practice did change, and the halakha that a man must divorce his barren wife came to be honored more in the breach than in the observance (Biale 1984).
34
Sexual companionship had come
33. "Two things united them, he [Ovid] said: the 'marital pact,' but also 'the love that makes us partners.' It was possible for conflict to arise between duty and these extraneous tender feelings. What to do, for instance, if one's wife turned out to be sterile? 'The first man who repudiated his wife on grounds of sterility had an acceptable motive but did not escape censure [
reprehensio
], because even the desire to have children should not have outweighed lasting devotion to his wife,' according to the moralist Valerius Maximus" (Veyne 1987, 42). I am suggesting that the story here represents at least a partial accommodation here to these Roman mores, but one which "indigenous" ideas of the role of sexuality and intimacy had prepared for.
34. See the remarkable text quoted by Winston (1981, 369) from a nineteenth-century Orthodox Rabbi: "The Sages of previous generations could not find it in their hearts to permit in actual practice divorce against her will or the taking of a second wife because of childlessness."
 
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to be valued for its own sake, even when procreation was impossible or contraindicated medically. Further support for this point can be drawn from the following facts: In rabbinic practice sex is recommended during pregnancy and following menopause; widowers are enjoined to remarry (by the Babylonian Shmuel Yevamot 61b) even when they have fulfilled the obligation of procreation; and widowers may even marry a woman proven to be infertile. To this should be compared, once more, Philo and Clement, for whom only procreation legitimated sexual intercourse (Clement 1989b, 39192, 394; Clement 1989a, 261;
35
Brown 1988, 133; Winston 1981, 368).
The overall picture that I can draw, albeit guardedly, is of an earlier Palestinian discourse on sexuality that seems closest in spirit to that of the Stoics, who indeed considered sex to be an irritating and necessary part of human existence but also an "enduring aspect of the personality." Rabbi Eliezer personifies, perhaps, an extreme representation of this discourse. The view encoded in the later tradition and especially its Babylonian variant, however, strongly opposed even this ambivalence. Both the earlier and the later views assert the value of procreation, but only the later and Babylonian variants seem to regard sexuality as a beneficence of God for the pleasure and well-being of humans.
I wish to propose a historical hypothesis to account for the relation between these two discourses of sexuality. As I claim above, in the first century there was no sharp distinction between Hellenistic and Pharisaic Judaism. Philo, Paul, and Josephus all attest to this; though all of them were highly acculturated Greek-speaking urban Jews, they manifest considerable Jewish (if not Hebrew) learning and apparently cannot be distinguished from other Jews in Palestine in terms of religious practice.
36
There appears to have been a fair degree of Greek culture among Semitic-speaking Palestinian urban Jews. Paul, however, created Gentile Christianity, which, aside from its Christology, seems largely to have been contiguous with certain extreme allegorizing and spiritualizing tendencies within Hellenistic, platonized Judaism, at least in Egypt and likely in
35. Thus Clement explicitly forbids intercourse with a pregnant or lactating woman, precisely the opposite of the Rabbis' view. Philo also prohibited intercourse with an infertile woman (Philo 1937, 497). The prudery of the Victorian editors of the ante-Nicene Fathers who thought it necessary to bowdlerize Clement by translating his Greek into Latin and not English is simply stunning. What made them think that they had to be more pious than a holy Father of the Church?
36. Until Paul's "conversion," of course.
 
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