Carthage Must Be Destroyed (67 page)
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Authors: Richard Miles
24
Herodotus 7.167.
Herodotus 7.167.
25
It is thought that the temple of Nike, the Greek goddess of victory, at Himera may be one of the two temples. A third clause, that Carthage had to agree to cease the practice of human sacrifice, is thought to be fraudulent.
It is thought that the temple of Nike, the Greek goddess of victory, at Himera may be one of the two temples. A third clause, that Carthage had to agree to cease the practice of human sacrifice, is thought to be fraudulent.
26
Carthage had resisted other tempting opportunities to reinvolve itself in Sicilian affairs. It had even turned down a call for assistance from the Elymian city of Segesta–locked, as usual, in conflict with its Greek neighbour –and from Carthage’s erstwhile ally Selinus (Diodorus 12.82.7). The Carthaginians were perhaps mindful that the Athenians, when matters had been going well for them, had thought more than once about making Carthage their next victim (Aristophanes
Knights
1302–4; Plutarch
Per
. 20.4).
Carthage had resisted other tempting opportunities to reinvolve itself in Sicilian affairs. It had even turned down a call for assistance from the Elymian city of Segesta–locked, as usual, in conflict with its Greek neighbour –and from Carthage’s erstwhile ally Selinus (Diodorus 12.82.7). The Carthaginians were perhaps mindful that the Athenians, when matters had been going well for them, had thought more than once about making Carthage their next victim (Aristophanes
Knights
1302–4; Plutarch
Per
. 20.4).
27
Lancel 1995, 140–41.
Lancel 1995, 140–41.
28
Ibid., 134–42.
Ibid., 134–42.
29
Hall 1989.
Hall 1989.
30
Herodotus 7.163–4.
Herodotus 7.163–4.
31
Krings 1998, 276–84.
Krings 1998, 276–84.
32
However, there is good evidence for previous friendly relations between Greek and Phoenician people on Cyprus (Snodgrass 1988, 19–20). For the Phoenician kings of Kition see Yon 1992.
However, there is good evidence for previous friendly relations between Greek and Phoenician people on Cyprus (Snodgrass 1988, 19–20). For the Phoenician kings of Kition see Yon 1992.
34
Herodotus 7.166; Diodorus 11.1.5, 11.20.1.
Herodotus 7.166; Diodorus 11.1.5, 11.20.1.
37
Isaac 2004, 283–98.
Isaac 2004, 283–98.
39
Ibid. However, later in the
Politics
(5.6.2) Aristotle does make reference to the failed coup of Hanno that marked the end of Magonid political dominance in Carthage.
Ibid. However, later in the
Politics
(5.6.2) Aristotle does make reference to the failed coup of Hanno that marked the end of Magonid political dominance in Carthage.
40
Plato
Laws
2.674B–C. However, there is plentiful evidence for Carthaginians making, trading and consuming wine (Lancel 1995, 274–6).
Plato
Laws
2.674B–C. However, there is plentiful evidence for Carthaginians making, trading and consuming wine (Lancel 1995, 274–6).
41
Morel 1980 & 1983.
Morel 1980 & 1983.
43
Bechtold 2007, 65–7.
Bechtold 2007, 65–7.
44
At the city of Thebes someone with the Carthaginian name Nobas (whose real name was probably Annobas) is attested as being granted the status of proxenos, an honorary citizenship bestowed on foreigners for the good service that they had rendered. In Athens around 330 BC two resident Carthaginians are mentioned, and the inventories from the temples of Apollo and Artemis on the island of Delos mention gifts from Punic people (Manganaro 2000, 258).
At the city of Thebes someone with the Carthaginian name Nobas (whose real name was probably Annobas) is attested as being granted the status of proxenos, an honorary citizenship bestowed on foreigners for the good service that they had rendered. In Athens around 330 BC two resident Carthaginians are mentioned, and the inventories from the temples of Apollo and Artemis on the island of Delos mention gifts from Punic people (Manganaro 2000, 258).
45
On Antiochus see Luraghi 2002, and on Philistus see Bearzot 2002.
On Antiochus see Luraghi 2002, and on Philistus see Bearzot 2002.
46
Diodorus 13.43.4–5.
Diodorus 13.43.4–5.
47
The successors of Gelon had lacked both his charisma and his ruthlessness, and had been overthrown by the Syracusans, who had grown tired of their excesses. The democratic government that replaced them was no more successful in achieving consensus, for social cohesion had been greatly undermined by the violence and mass deportations that had been such keystones of Gelon’s political strategy (Lomas 2006, 102).
The successors of Gelon had lacked both his charisma and his ruthlessness, and had been overthrown by the Syracusans, who had grown tired of their excesses. The democratic government that replaced them was no more successful in achieving consensus, for social cohesion had been greatly undermined by the violence and mass deportations that had been such keystones of Gelon’s political strategy (Lomas 2006, 102).
48
Whittaker 1978, 66–7.
Whittaker 1978, 66–7.
49
Large quantities of goods from both Italy and Greece were imported into Carthage throughout this period (Bechtold 2007, 54–8, 65–7). For the political independence of the Punic cities in Sicily during this period see Bondì 1999, 39–42.
Large quantities of goods from both Italy and Greece were imported into Carthage throughout this period (Bechtold 2007, 54–8, 65–7). For the political independence of the Punic cities in Sicily during this period see Bondì 1999, 39–42.
50
Di Stefano et al. 1998, 88.
Di Stefano et al. 1998, 88.
51
Diodorus 13.81.5.
Diodorus 13.81.5.
52
Whittaker 1978, 81–2.
Whittaker 1978, 81–2.
53
Diodorus 13.43.5.
Diodorus 13.43.5.
54
Ibid. 13.43.6–7.
Ibid. 13.43.6–7.
55
Ibid. 13.44.1–6.
Ibid. 13.44.1–6.
56
This was clearly a very sizeable force. However, the figures for its size–either 200,000 foot and 4,000 horse or over 100,000 men–are obviously grossly exaggerated (Diodorus 13.54.5).
This was clearly a very sizeable force. However, the figures for its size–either 200,000 foot and 4,000 horse or over 100,000 men–are obviously grossly exaggerated (Diodorus 13.54.5).
57
Ibid. 13.54.6–13.59.3.
Ibid. 13.54.6–13.59.3.
58
Ibid. 13.59.4–13.62.6.
Ibid. 13.59.4–13.62.6.
59
Jenkins 1971, 29–33. On the mercenaries in Carthage’s Sicilian armies see Brizzi 1995, 308–11; Ameling 1993, 212–15.
Jenkins 1971, 29–33. On the mercenaries in Carthage’s Sicilian armies see Brizzi 1995, 308–11; Ameling 1993, 212–15.
60
Ameling 1993, 265–6; Visonà 1998, 4.
Ameling 1993, 265–6; Visonà 1998, 4.
61
Mildenberg 1989, 7–8; Visonà 1998, 5.
Mildenberg 1989, 7–8; Visonà 1998, 5.
62
On men and supplies, see Fariselli 1999, 59–61; on coinage, Jenkins 1974, 23–6. Wherever the mint was actually physically located, Carthage was certainly the issuing authority (Manfredi 1999, 70).
On men and supplies, see Fariselli 1999, 59–61; on coinage, Jenkins 1974, 23–6. Wherever the mint was actually physically located, Carthage was certainly the issuing authority (Manfredi 1999, 70).
63
Diodorus 13.63.4–5.
Diodorus 13.63.4–5.
64
Ibid. 13.80.1.
Ibid. 13.80.1.
65
Meritt 1940.
Meritt 1940.
66
Diodorus 13.80.1–5.
Diodorus 13.80.1–5.
67
Ibid. 13.80.5–7.
Ibid. 13.80.5–7.
68
Ibid. 13.85.1–13.86.3. Himilcar was also said to have sacrificed a large number of cattle to a sea god by drowning.
Ibid. 13.85.1–13.86.3. Himilcar was also said to have sacrificed a large number of cattle to a sea god by drowning.
69
Ibid. 13.86.4–13.89.4.
Ibid. 13.86.4–13.89.4.
70
Ibid. 13.86.90.1–5.
Ibid. 13.86.90.1–5.
71
Schmitz 1994, 11–13.
Schmitz 1994, 11–13.
72
Diodorus 14.7.1.
Diodorus 14.7.1.
73
Ibid. 13.91.1–13.96.4.
Ibid. 13.91.1–13.96.4.
74
Ibid. 14.41.1–14.43.4.
Ibid. 14.41.1–14.43.4.
75
Ibid. 14.45.2–14.46.5.
Ibid. 14.45.2–14.46.5.
76
Ibid. 14.47.5–7.
Ibid. 14.47.5–7.
77
Ibid. 14.52.1–2.
Ibid. 14.52.1–2.
78
Ibid. 14.53.1–5.
Ibid. 14.53.1–5.
79
Ibid. 14.48.1–14.53.4.
Ibid. 14.48.1–14.53.4.
80
Ibid. 14.54.2–4.
Ibid. 14.54.2–4.
81
Ibid. 14.54.5–14.63.4.
Ibid. 14.54.5–14.63.4.
82
Ibid. 14.71.1–4, 14.63.1–2, 14.70.4–6.
Ibid. 14.71.1–4, 14.63.1–2, 14.70.4–6.
83
Ibid. 14.71.3–4.
Ibid. 14.71.3–4.
84
Ibid. 14.71.1.
Ibid. 14.71.1.
85
Ibid. 14.75.2–3. Diodorus/Timaeus also suggested that it was not only greed that lay behind Dionysius’ decision, but also the fear that his own citizens might try to oust him if the Carthaginian menace were removed.
Ibid. 14.75.2–3. Diodorus/Timaeus also suggested that it was not only greed that lay behind Dionysius’ decision, but also the fear that his own citizens might try to oust him if the Carthaginian menace were removed.
86
Ibid. 14.72.1–14.75.3.
Ibid. 14.72.1–14.75.3.
87
Ibid. 14.76.3–4; Justin 19.3.1–11. The account of Justin (19.3.12) has Himilco locking himself in his house and committing suicide.
Ibid. 14.76.3–4; Justin 19.3.1–11. The account of Justin (19.3.12) has Himilco locking himself in his house and committing suicide.
88
Justin 21.4.1.
Justin 21.4.1.
90
The suffetes may have been in existence for some time (Sznycer 1978, 567–70). Prefect of bureau of public works =
KAI
62.4 k36. Tax collectors =
CIS
i.5547.⅘. Administrators =
KAI
119.2/3; Aristotle
Pol
. 2.11.3–6; Bondì 1995a, 296.
The suffetes may have been in existence for some time (Sznycer 1978, 567–70). Prefect of bureau of public works =
KAI
62.4 k36. Tax collectors =
CIS
i.5547.⅘. Administrators =
KAI
119.2/3; Aristotle
Pol
. 2.11.3–6; Bondì 1995a, 296.
92
Diodorus 14.95.1–14.96.4.
Diodorus 14.95.1–14.96.4.
93
Ibid. 15.15.1–2.
Ibid. 15.15.1–2.
94
Ibid. 15.15.3–15.16.3.
Ibid. 15.15.3–15.16.3.
95
Ibid. 15.17.5. There were additional clauses such as Selinus and Acragas returning to Carthage’s sphere of influence, and Dionysius agreeing to pay Carthage 1,000 talents in reparations.
Ibid. 15.17.5. There were additional clauses such as Selinus and Acragas returning to Carthage’s sphere of influence, and Dionysius agreeing to pay Carthage 1,000 talents in reparations.
96
Ibid. 15.24.1–3. The city was in such a state of panic that men were seen to rush out of their houses in full armour and attack their fellow citizens because they imagined that Carthage had come under attack.
Ibid. 15.24.1–3. The city was in such a state of panic that men were seen to rush out of their houses in full armour and attack their fellow citizens because they imagined that Carthage had come under attack.
97
Ibid. 15.74.2–3.
Ibid. 15.74.2–3.
98
Justin 21.4.1–7.
Justin 21.4.1–7.
99
Ibid. 21.4.8ff.
Ibid. 21.4.8ff.
100
Whittaker 1978, 62; Diodorus 13.81.1; Polybius 1.15.10, 1.17.1, 3.24.8, 3.24.12.
Whittaker 1978, 62; Diodorus 13.81.1; Polybius 1.15.10, 1.17.1, 3.24.8, 3.24.12.
101
Panormus, Solus, Thermae Himerae and Eryx were all producing their own coinage in the second half of the fourth century (Jenkins 1971, 53–75).
Panormus, Solus, Thermae Himerae and Eryx were all producing their own coinage in the second half of the fourth century (Jenkins 1971, 53–75).
102
Diodorus 14.16.4; Strabo 6.2.15; Schimtz 1994, 11. Halaisa may have been set up as a base for the recent expeditionary force. On Thermae Himerae, see Diodorus 13.79.8. The population of the city was made up not just of Punic settlers, but also of Greeks from Sicily and southern Italy (ibid. 19.2.2).
Diodorus 14.16.4; Strabo 6.2.15; Schimtz 1994, 11. Halaisa may have been set up as a base for the recent expeditionary force. On Thermae Himerae, see Diodorus 13.79.8. The population of the city was made up not just of Punic settlers, but also of Greeks from Sicily and southern Italy (ibid. 19.2.2).
103
For a study of Punic Lilybaeum see Di Stefano 1993.
For a study of Punic Lilybaeum see Di Stefano 1993.
104
Tusa 1984, 36–7, 49–55, 69–71.
Tusa 1984, 36–7, 49–55, 69–71.
105
Ibid., 35.
Ibid., 35.
106
Caruso 2003; Tusa 1984, 24–35; Moscati 1986, 101–5.
Caruso 2003; Tusa 1984, 24–35; Moscati 1986, 101–5.
107
Tusa 1984, 21–3; Purpura 1981.
Tusa 1984, 21–3; Purpura 1981.
108
Jenkins 1977, 8–33.
Jenkins 1977, 8–33.
109
Diodorus 13.59.3; Moscati 1986, 123–9; Tusa 1984, 36–7.
Diodorus 13.59.3; Moscati 1986, 123–9; Tusa 1984, 36–7.
110
Moscati 1986, 127.
Moscati 1986, 127.
111
Ibid., 47.
Ibid., 47.
112
Ibid., 127. Yet, despite the obvious Punic influences, the religious usage of the sanctuary of Malaphorus in the fourth century BC shows clear signs of a reaffirmation of an important indigenous cult which appears to have been held in high esteem by both Greek and Punic populations.
Ibid., 127. Yet, despite the obvious Punic influences, the religious usage of the sanctuary of Malaphorus in the fourth century BC shows clear signs of a reaffirmation of an important indigenous cult which appears to have been held in high esteem by both Greek and Punic populations.
113
Acquaro 1988, 38–9.
Acquaro 1988, 38–9.
114
Moscati 1986, 130–55; Acquaro 1988, 41–3.
Moscati 1986, 130–55; Acquaro 1988, 41–3.
115
Morris et al. 2001–2004.
Morris et al. 2001–2004.
118
Archaeologists have come to this conclusion as a result of the large number of military coins from the Carthage mint and of Carthaginian transport amphorae found there. For a study of Monte Adranone see Fiorentini 1995.
Archaeologists have come to this conclusion as a result of the large number of military coins from the Carthage mint and of Carthaginian transport amphorae found there. For a study of Monte Adranone see Fiorentini 1995.
119
The finds included Carthaginian bronze coins, gaming dice, and large quantities of both wine amphorae and imported Greek pottery (Morris et al. 2001–2002).
The finds included Carthaginian bronze coins, gaming dice, and large quantities of both wine amphorae and imported Greek pottery (Morris et al. 2001–2002).
120
Anello 1986, 170–72.
Anello 1986, 170–72.
121
Fariselli 1999, 62–5. Some have even wished to see this as evidence of the establishment of a kind of ‘economic protectorate’ whereby mercenary troops were settled on territory under Carthaginian suzerainty and then required to protect it. However, the discernible difference in the material culture of these new sites–where much larger numbers of amphorae from North Africa are found–compared with the old Punic cities of western Sicily, where the vast majority of the amphorae are of local manufacture, appears to show that these new settlements were not part of the thriving local economy (Bechtold 2007, 54–8).
Fariselli 1999, 62–5. Some have even wished to see this as evidence of the establishment of a kind of ‘economic protectorate’ whereby mercenary troops were settled on territory under Carthaginian suzerainty and then required to protect it. However, the discernible difference in the material culture of these new sites–where much larger numbers of amphorae from North Africa are found–compared with the old Punic cities of western Sicily, where the vast majority of the amphorae are of local manufacture, appears to show that these new settlements were not part of the thriving local economy (Bechtold 2007, 54–8).
122
Whittaker 1978, 60, 88–90.
Whittaker 1978, 60, 88–90.
123
Bechtold 2007, 65–7; 2008, 56–74, 76.
Bechtold 2007, 65–7; 2008, 56–74, 76.
124
Bechtold 2007, 54–8.
Bechtold 2007, 54–8.
125
Bechtold 2008, 57–8.
Bechtold 2008, 57–8.
126
Docter et al. 2006, 54.
Docter et al. 2006, 54.
127
Chelbi 1992, 18–20.
Chelbi 1992, 18–20.
128
Bechtold 2008, 49–50.
Bechtold 2008, 49–50.
129
Large numbers of Sardinian ‘sack’- and ‘torpedo’-shaped amphorae used for the transportation of foodstuffs are found in Punic Sicily during the fifth and fourth centuries BC (Mastino, Spanu & Zucca 2005, 103–4). These amphorae key in with the assertions of Diodorus that the Carthaginian army was fed on Sardinian corn (Diodorus 14.77.6; Fariselli 1999, 59–63).
Large numbers of Sardinian ‘sack’- and ‘torpedo’-shaped amphorae used for the transportation of foodstuffs are found in Punic Sicily during the fifth and fourth centuries BC (Mastino, Spanu & Zucca 2005, 103–4). These amphorae key in with the assertions of Diodorus that the Carthaginian army was fed on Sardinian corn (Diodorus 14.77.6; Fariselli 1999, 59–63).
130
Crawford 1985, 104.
Crawford 1985, 104.
131
Diodorus 16.65.1–9.
Diodorus 16.65.1–9.
132
Ibid. 16.66.5–6, 16.67.1–16.68.8.
Ibid. 16.66.5–6, 16.67.1–16.68.8.
133
Ibid. 16.69.3–6, 16.70.4–6, 16.72.2–16.73.3.
Ibid. 16.69.3–6, 16.70.4–6, 16.72.2–16.73.3.
134
Ibid. 16.73.3, 16.77.4, 20.10.6.
Ibid. 16.73.3, 16.77.4, 20.10.6.
136
Diodorus 16.82.3.
Diodorus 16.82.3.
137
In cities, such as Messana, substantial numbers of Campanian and southern-Italian mercenaries had been settled there by Dionysius (Lomas 2006, 112–14).
In cities, such as Messana, substantial numbers of Campanian and southern-Italian mercenaries had been settled there by Dionysius (Lomas 2006, 112–14).
138
Mildenberg 1989, 6–12.
Mildenberg 1989, 6–12.
139
Visonà 1998, 6–7.
CHAPTER 5: IN THE SHADOW OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT: CARTHAGE AND AGATHOCLESVisonà 1998, 6–7.
3
Quintus Curtius Rufus 4.3.19; Arrian
Anabasis
2.24.5. This visit probably fitted in with the celebration of the
egersis
in February/March. The Tyrians had also sent their women and children to Carthage for safety once the siege had started (Diodorus 17.41.1, 17.46.4; Quintus Curtius Rufus 4.3.20).
Quintus Curtius Rufus 4.3.19; Arrian
Anabasis
2.24.5. This visit probably fitted in with the celebration of the
egersis
in February/March. The Tyrians had also sent their women and children to Carthage for safety once the siege had started (Diodorus 17.41.1, 17.46.4; Quintus Curtius Rufus 4.3.20).
4
Justin 21.6.
Justin 21.6.
5
Isaac 2004, 283–303.
Isaac 2004, 283–303.
6
Diodorus 13.108.3–5.
Diodorus 13.108.3–5.
7
Diodorus 17.2. Arrian (
Anabasis
2.16.4–7) also states that it was ‘not the Argive Heracles, son of Alcmena’ but ‘Tyrian Heracles’.
Diodorus 17.2. Arrian (
Anabasis
2.16.4–7) also states that it was ‘not the Argive Heracles, son of Alcmena’ but ‘Tyrian Heracles’.
8
Diodorus 11.1.4.
Diodorus 11.1.4.
9
Ibid. 11.24.1.
Ibid. 11.24.1.
10
Ibid. 11.23.2, 11.26.5.
Ibid. 11.23.2, 11.26.5.
11
Ibid. 20.13.1–3. Hence the Carthaginian general Hannibal who led the 410 expedition is labelled as ‘by nature . . . a hater of all Greeks’ (ibid. 13.43.6).
Ibid. 20.13.1–3. Hence the Carthaginian general Hannibal who led the 410 expedition is labelled as ‘by nature . . . a hater of all Greeks’ (ibid. 13.43.6).
13
Diodorus 13.57, 14.48–53, 14.63.1–3, 14.70.4, 14.73.5, 14.74.4; Athenaeus 12.541A–B.
Diodorus 13.57, 14.48–53, 14.63.1–3, 14.70.4, 14.73.5, 14.74.4; Athenaeus 12.541A–B.
14
For Greek mercenaries fighting on the Carthaginian side see Diodorus 20.38.6, 20.39.5. For Greeks living in Carthage see ibid. 14.77.4–5. During the Sicilian wars, Carthage had periodically supported Sicilian Greek dissidents who were seeking to bring about regime change in Syracuse (Plutarch
Tim
. 2.1–2; Diodorus 16.67.1–3). This support had also meant that the city had become a place of refuge for Sicilian Greeks who had been forced out of their own cities. Indeed, Polybius (7.2.3–4) mentions two brothers, Epicydes and Hippocrates, officers in the Carthaginian army, who had been brought up in the North African metropolis after their grandfather had been forced to flee Syracuse after being accused of assassinating one of the sons of Agathocles. For Greeks in Carthage during the third century BC see Galvagno 2006.
For Greek mercenaries fighting on the Carthaginian side see Diodorus 20.38.6, 20.39.5. For Greeks living in Carthage see ibid. 14.77.4–5. During the Sicilian wars, Carthage had periodically supported Sicilian Greek dissidents who were seeking to bring about regime change in Syracuse (Plutarch
Tim
. 2.1–2; Diodorus 16.67.1–3). This support had also meant that the city had become a place of refuge for Sicilian Greeks who had been forced out of their own cities. Indeed, Polybius (7.2.3–4) mentions two brothers, Epicydes and Hippocrates, officers in the Carthaginian army, who had been brought up in the North African metropolis after their grandfather had been forced to flee Syracuse after being accused of assassinating one of the sons of Agathocles. For Greeks in Carthage during the third century BC see Galvagno 2006.
15
Diodorus 5.3.1–3; Pearson 1975, 186–7.
Diodorus 5.3.1–3; Pearson 1975, 186–7.
16
Diodorus 14.77.4–5.
Diodorus 14.77.4–5.
17
See for instance a dedication in Carthage to ‘Lady Ammas [Demeter], the Lady Mistress of the Netherworld’ (
KAI
83): Krahmalkov 2000, 177; Moscati 1986, 73.
See for instance a dedication in Carthage to ‘Lady Ammas [Demeter], the Lady Mistress of the Netherworld’ (
KAI
83): Krahmalkov 2000, 177; Moscati 1986, 73.
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