Complete Works of Xenophon (Illustrated) (Delphi Ancient Classics) (304 page)

52. He then left Agesilaus and made his way to Scillus, a place in the territory of Elis not far from the city. According to Demetrius of Magnesia he was accompanied by his wife Philesia, and, in a speech written for the freedman whom Xenophon prosecuted for neglect of duty, Dinarchus mentions that his two sons Gryllus and Diodorus, the Dioscuri as they were called, also went with him. Megabyzus having arrived to attend the festival, Xenophon received from him the deposit of money and bought and dedicated to the goddess an estate with a river running through, which bears the same name Selinus as the river at Ephesus. And from that time onward he hunted, entertained his friends, and worked at his histories without interruption. Dinarchus, however, asserts that it was the Lacedaemonians who gave him a house and land.

53. At the same time we are told that Phylopidas the Spartan sent to him at Scillus a present of captive slaves from Dardanus, and that he disposed of them as he thought fit, and that the Elians marched against Scillus, and owing to the slowness of the Spartans captured the place, whereupon his sons retired to Lepreum with a few of the servants, while Xenophon himself, who had previously gone to Elis, went next to Lepreum to join his sons, and then made his escape with them from Lepreum to Corinth and took up his abode there. Meanwhile the Athenians passed a decree to assist Sparta, and Xenophon sent his sons to Athens to serve in the army in defence of Sparta. 54. According to Diocles in his
Lives of the Philosophers
, they had been trained in Sparta itself. Diodorus came safe out of the battle without performing any distinguished service, and he had a son of the same name (Gryllus) as his brother. Gryllus was posted with the cavalry and, in the battle which took place about Mantinea, fought stoutly and fell, as Ephorus relates in his twenty-fifth book, Cephisodorus being in command of the cavalry and Hegesilaus commander-in-chief. In this battle Epaminondas also fell. On this occasion Xenophon is said to have been sacrificing, with a chaplet on his head, which he removed when his son’s death was announced. But afterwards, upon learning that he had fallen gloriously, he replaced the chaplet on his head. 55. Some say that he did not even shed tears, but exclaimed, “I knew my son was mortal.” Aristotle mentions that there were innumerable authors of epitaphs and eulogies upon Gryllus, who wrote, in part at least, to gratify his father. Hermippus too, in his
Life of Theophrastus
, affirms that even Isocrates wrote an encomium on Gryllus. Timon, however, jeers at Xenophon in the lines:

A feeble pair or triad of works, or even a greater number, such as would come from Xenophon or the might of Aeschines, that not unpersuasive writer.

Such was his life. He flourished in the fourth year of the 94th Olympiad, and he took part in the expedition of Cyrus in the archonship of Xenaenetus in the year before the death of Socrates.

56. He died, according to Ctesiclides of Athens in his list of archons and Olympic victors, in the first year of the 105th Olympiad, in the archonship of Callidemides, the year in which Philip, the son of Amyntas, came to the throne of Macedon. He died at Corinth, as is stated by Demetrius of Magnesia, obviously at an advanced age. He was a worthy man in general, particularly fond of horses and hunting, an able tactician as is clear from his writings, pious, fond of sacrificing, and an expert in augury from the victims; and he made Socrates his exact model.

He wrote some forty books in all, though the division into books is not always the same, namely:

• 57. The Anabasis, with a preface to each separate book but not one to the whole work.
  
• Cyropaedia.
  
• Hellenica.
  
• Memorabilia.
  
• Symposium.
  
• Oeconomicus.
  
• On Horsemanship.
  
• On Hunting.
  
• On the Duty of a Cavalry General.
  
• A Defence of Socrates.
  
• On Revenues.
  
• Hieron or Of Tyranny.
  
• Agesilaus.
  
• The Constitutions of Athens and Sparta.
  

Demetrius of Magnesia denies that the last of these works is by Xenophon. There is a tradition that he made Thucydides famous by publishing his history, which was unknown, and which he might have appropriated to his own use. By the sweetness of his narrative he earned the name of the Attic Muse. Hence he and Plato were jealous of each other, as will be stated in the chapter on Plato.

58. There is an epigram of mine on him also:

Up the steep path to fame toiled Xenophon
In that long march of glorious memories;
In deeds of Greece, how bright his lesson shone!
How fair was wisdom seen in Socrates!

There is another on the circumstances of his death:

Albeit the countrymen of Cranaus and Cecrops condemned thee, Xenophon, to exile on account of thy friendship for Cyrus, yet hospitable Corinth welcomed thee, so well content with the delights of that city wast thou, and there didst resolve to take up thy rest.

59. In other authorities I find the statement that he flourished, along with the other Socratics, in the 89th Olympiad, and Istrus affirms that he was banished by a decree of Eubulus and recalled by a decree of the same man.

There have been seven Xenophons: the first our subject himself; the second an Athenian, brother of Pythostratus, who wrote the
Theseid
, and himself the author, amongst other works, of a biography of Epaminondas and Pelopidas; the third a physician of Cos; the fourth the author of a history of Hannibal; the fifth an authority on legendary marvels; the sixth a sculptor, of Paros; the seventh a poet of the Old Comedy.

XENOPHON was the son of Gryllus, an Athenian: he was born at Athens, and distinguished himself as a philosopher, a general, and an historian. Much uncertainty however exists concerning his origin and earliest years; yet from his connexions and resources he must have been well born and well educated. He was exquisitely formed, and so engaging in his manners, that Socrates was induced to admit him among his disciples. It is said that Socrates, meeting him in a narrow gateway, extended his walking-stick across it, so as to obstruct his passage, inquiring how a man could acquire the means of profit? and on receiving a suitable reply, he inquired farther, how men could attain to virtue and honor? Xenophon being at a loss for an
answer, the philosopher
added, “Follow me and learn.’ From this time he entered under his tuition, and became eminently qualified for all the offices of public as well as private life. Having accompanied Socrates in the Peloponnesian war, and manifested his valor, he was invited by Proxenus his friend to join Cyrus, who was engaged in an expedition against his brother Artaxerxes, king of Persia; but he refused to comply till he could confer with Socrates, who advised him to consult the oracle of Apollo at Delphi. This he did, but merely put the question, under what auspices and with what sacrifices he should prepare for the expedition; to which a favorable answer having been returned, he informed Socrates of the result, who, after mildly reproving him for his departure from the advice he had solicited, bid him set out under the direction of the God. Xenophon paid due deference to these injunctions; but being ambitious, and eager to engage in a distant expedition, he hastened to Sardis, where he was introduced to Cyrus the young prince, and treated with great attention. In the army he showed that he was a true disciple of Socrates, and that he had been educated in the warlike city of Athens.

The particulars
of the March of Cyrus are indeed so minutely described in the ‘ANABASIS,’ with reference to the topography and natural history of the various districts through which he travelled, that it has been thought he was advised, in his last interview with Socrates, to write the account.

The time for action now approaching, Cyrus took care to animate his Grecian troops by renewed and splendid promises, and to warn them of the immense superiority of numbers with which they would have to contend, encouraging them at the same time with assurances that they would find the Persian soldiers less than women.

Cyrus assigned the Greeks a position on the right of his army, flanked by the Euphrates, and directed Clearchus to command their right wing, and Menon the left. And here for the first time Xenophon makes mention of himself. Cyrus rode along at a moderate distance surveying both armies, looking now at the enemy, now at his friends. Xenophon seeing him from the Grecian line, rode out to meet him, and inquired if he had any commands for him. Stopping his horse, Cyrus desired him to tell them all, that the sacrifices and victims were favorable. While he was saying this, he heard a clamor through the ranks, and asked hat it
was.
Xenophon told him that they were exchanging a fresh watch-word. He wondered who could have given it out, and asked what it might be. Xenophon replied, that it was ‘Jupiter the Preserver, and Victory.’ Cyrus having heard it, said, ‘I agree to it; let it be so and having said this, rode off to his station.

The minuteness with which a circumstance, in itself so little important, is related, is highly characteristic of a young man ambitious of notice and gratified by the honor conferred on him. At the same time it seems to imply that Xenophon had hitherto taken no part in the conduct of the army, and had not been invited to the councils of the prince; for had he been accustomed to converse familiarly with Cyrus, he would scarcely have recorded the present interview.

The battle of Cunaxa, which followed immediately after the anecdote that has just been related, in which Cyrus was slain and his army completely defeated by Artaxerxes, belongs to the history of Persia rather than to the life of Xenophon. The native troops in the army of Cyrus were totally routed; but in that part of the field in which the Greeks fought, the forces of Artaxerxes were put to flight in every direction, and
almost without
resistance. These last were pursued until the Grecians, wearied with slaughter and fatigue, returned to their camp.

In the mean time, Clearchus was too good a general to neglect provisions for the immediate wants of his army. After dinner, when they were, according to the manner of the Greeks, assembled together to spend the heat of the day in conversation, some heralds arrived from the king and from Tissaphernes, demanding, in the name of the king, that they should ground their arms and surrender at discretion. Clearchus replied; and, among the rest, Xenophon thus addressed the messenger:

‘With us, Phalesius, as you may perceive, nothing is of value but our arms and our honor. As long as we preserve our arms, we can rely on our own valor; but in parting with them, we should be conscious of betraying ourselves. Think not therefore that we will resign our only remaining property, but rather we will use them in fighting for yours.’ Phalesius laughed heartily at this set speech, and replied, ‘You appear to be a scholar, young man, and what you say is pleasant enough; but I would not have your inexperience so much deceive you, as to set your boasted valor against the power of the king.’

After the battle of Cunaxa, and the fall of young Cyrus, the prudence and vigor of his mind were called into action. The Ten Thousand Greeks, who had followed the standard of an ambitious prince, were now above six hundred leagues from their native home, in a country surrounded on every side by a victorious enemy, without money, or provisions, or a leader. All gave themselves up to despair. They felt that they were still two thousand miles from the nearest part of Greece, close to the vast armies of the king, and surrounded on all sides by tribes of hostile barbarians, who would supply them with nothing but at the expense of blows and blood: they had no guide acquainted with the country, no knowledge of the deep and rapid rivers which intersected it, and no cavalry to explore the road, or cover their rear on the march. As if discipline and hope had ended together, the roll-call was scarcely attended to, the watch-fires were scantily, or not at all, supplied, and even their principal meal was neglected; where chance led, they threw themselves down to rest, but not to sleep — for sleep was banished by thoughts of that country and those friends, whom they now no longer expected, and scarcely dared hope to behold again.

But the army had among them a man, little known indeed, but of far greater talents and bolder energies than any general under whom they had served; and probably the only man who could have extricated them from their present situation of unparalleled danger. Xenophon had hitherto held no rank; had been attached to no division of the army; and had appeared only as the friend of Proxenus. He, like the rest, lay awake, suffering from grief and alarm; but his mind was not of a temperament to suffer without a remedy, and he represents himself as having been encouraged by a dream during a momentary doze, which he has so related and interpreted, as to leave it doubtful whether his remarkable attention to omens and sacrifices was the result of sound policy or of sincere belief. Rousing himself from slumber, he began to reflect on the folly and rashness in which all participated. The night was far spent; the enemy would probably be on them with the dawn; submission could only conduct through suffering to an ignominious death: no one provided for the emergency; despair produced
the
effect of security; and from what people among them, thought he, can I expect a general, fit for this business? or why should I hesitate to act on account of my youth? If I thus give myself up without an effort to the enemy, I shall never reach a more mature age.