Dark Money: The Hidden History of the Billionaires Behind the Rise of the Radical Right (55 page)

Wertheimer was a public interest lawyer who had been waging an uphill battle to stem the rising tide of money in politics since the Watergate days. From his perspective, the country’s democratic process was in crisis. “We have two unelected multibillionaires who want to control the U.S. government and exercise the power to decide what is best for more than 300 million American people, without the voices of these people being heard.” He added, “There is nothing in our constitutional democracy that accepts that two of the richest people in the world can control our destiny.”

As was clear from the more than $13 million a year that Koch Industries spent lobbying Congress, the Kochs had enormous financial stakes in the U.S. government. The idea that they and their allies were spending nearly $1 billion for completely selfless reasons strained credulity. Of course, money wasn’t always the determinant of American elections, but there was little doubt that if the American presidency was on the auction block in 2016, the Kochs hoped to make the winning bid.

In an interview with
USA Today
, another instance in which he said that all he wanted was to “increase well-being in society,” Charles Koch bristled at the idea that he was motivated by an interest in boosting his bottom line. “
We are doing all of this to make more money?” he asked. “I mean, that is so ludicrous.”

Some of course might have used the same adjective to describe the two-decade-long legal battle that he and his brothers waged against each other after each inheriting hundreds of millions of dollars, in order to get a bigger share. But sharing was never easy for Charles Koch. As a child, he used to tell an unfunny joke. When called upon to split a treat with others, he would say with a wise-guy grin, “I just want my fair share—which is all of it.”

In many ways, the research on this book began three decades ago when I arrived in Washington to cover Ronald Reagan’s presidency for
The Wall Street Journal
. During the intervening years, I’ve interviewed countless political players in all forms of public life, from presidents to voters, and watched as American politics increasingly has been shaped by an ever-rising tide of private money. This book is based on hundreds of interviews conducted during the past five years with a wide range of sources spanning from the main characters and their family members, friends, and ideological allies to their business associates and political competitors.

In an ideal world, every interview would be conducted on the record. Several of the sources to whom I owe the most, however, have asked to have their names withheld. I apologize in advance to readers for not being able to fully identify these sources, but where possible I have tried to indicate their expertise and outlook, and where not possible I have tried to be scrupulous in vetting their accounts for accuracy. I also regret that several of the major characters in this saga were unreachable. Some, such as Richard Mellon Scaife, provided access to some of their papers, while others, such as Charles and David Koch, declined to participate or, like John M. Olin and Lynde and Harry Bradley, had long since passed away.

Dozens and dozens of other named sources, though, took time from their busy lives, and in some cases risked reprisal, to help me tell this story. I am immensely grateful to all of them. I also am hugely indebted to the authors of the hundreds of outstanding books, articles, studies, and news stories on which I drew. At the risk of accidentally leaving some out or of bogging readers down, I have tried to give credit in the text or the notes.

In addition, I want to give special thanks to those on whose writing I leaned most heavily. There is no way that I could have written this book without the path-blazing work of the Center for Media and Democracy, the Center for Public Integrity, the Center for Responsive Politics, Democracy 21, ProPublica, Mike Allen, Neela Banerjee, Nicholas Confessore, Clayton Coppin, Brian Doherty, Robert Draper, Lee Fang, Michael Grunwald, John Gurda, Mark Halperin, Dale Harrington, John Heilemann, Eliana Johnson, John Judis, Robert Kaiser, Andy Kroll, Chris Kromm, Charles Lewis, Robert Maguire, Mike McIntire, John J. Miller, Kim Phillips-Fein, Eric Pooley, Daniel Schulman, Theda Skocpol, Jason Stahl, Peter Stone, Steven Teles, Kenneth Vogel, Leslie Wayne, Roy Wenzl, and Bill Wilson.

Many, many others were essential to this enterprise as well, but none more so than my brilliant editor at Doubleday, Bill Thomas; my ever-resourceful literary agent at ICM, Sloan Harris; and the amazing team at
The New Yorker
that shepherded into print the original 2010 article on the Koch family that inspired this book: David Remnick, Daniel Zalewski, and the heroic checking department. I owe huge thanks also to those who helped with the book’s exhausting research and fact-checking: Andrew Prokop and Ben Toff. There are no others with whom I’d rather share a foxhole.

As a former member
: Charles Koch was an acolyte of Robert LeFevre, whom Brian Doherty, the libertarian author of
Radicals for Capitalism: A Freewheeling History of the Modern American Libertarian Movement
(PublicAffairs, 2007), described in an interview with the author as “an anarchist figure who won Charles’s heart.” For more on LeFevre, see chapter 2.

For the most part
: During Ronald Reagan’s presidency, which I covered for
The Wall Street Journal
, there were constant divisions between the establishment Republicans and the conservative purists, whom many in the Reagan White House still regarded with suspicion as outliers.

George Soros
: See Jane Mayer, “The Money Man,”
New Yorker
, Oct. 18, 2004.

“The Kochs are on a whole”
: Jane Mayer, “Covert Operations,”
New Yorker
, Aug. 30, 2010.

“there was a sense”
: John Podesta, interview with author.

“the mercantile Right”
: Craig Shirley, interview with author.

“It was obvious”
: Matthew Continetti, “The Paranoid Style in Liberal Politics: The Left’s Obsession with the Koch Brothers,”
Weekly Standard
, April 4, 2011.

“When W. Clement Stone”
: Dan Balz, “ ‘Sheldon Primary’ Is One Reason Americans Distrust the Political System,”
Washington Post
, March 28, 2014.

“We’re not a bunch”
: Continetti, “Paranoid Style in Liberal Politics.”

Participants at the summits
: See Kenneth R. Vogel,
Big Money: 2.5 Billion Dollars, One Suspicious Vehicle, and a Pimp—on the Trail of the Ultra-rich Hijacking of American Politics
(Public Affairs, 2014), for an excellent account of the Koch seminars.

In order to foil
: Michael Mechanic, “Spying on the Koch Brothers: Inside the Discreet Retreat Where the Elite Meet and Plot the Democrats’ Defeat,”
Mother Jones
, Nov./Dec. 2011.

“There is anonymity”
: Vogel,
Big Money
.

the combined fortunes
: Known participants at Koch seminars worth $1 billion or more as of 2015 valuations include the following:

Charles Koch: $42.9 billion

David Koch: $42.9 billion

Sheldon Adelson: $31.4 billion

Harold Hamm: $12.2 billion

Stephen Schwarzman: $12 billion

Philip Anschutz: $11.8 billion

Steven Cohen (represented by Michael Sullivan): $10.3 billion

John Menard Jr.: $9 billion

Ken Griffin: $6.5 billion

Charles Schwab: $6.4 billion

Richard DeVos: $5.7 billion

Diane Hendricks: $3.6 billion

Ken Langone: $2.9 billion

Stephen Bechtel Jr.: $2.8 billion

Richard Farmer: $2 billion

Stan Hubbard: $2 billion

Joe Craft: $1.4 billion

Elaine Marshall, whose fortune was estimated at $8.3 billion in 2014, dropped off
Forbes
’s list of billionaires in 2015. When her estimated 2014 worth is added to the cumulative fortunes of the known participating billionaires during the Obama presidency, the total tops $222 billion.

The gap between
: Jacob S. Hacker and Paul Pierson,
Winner-Take-All Politics: How Washington Made the Rich Richer—and Turned Its Back on the Middle Class
(Simon & Schuster, 2010), says in 2007 that the top 1 percent of earners took home 23.5 percent of the country’s income, when capital gains and dividends were factored in.

Liberal critics
: See Chrystia Freeland,
Plutocrats: The Rise of the New Global Super-rich and the Fall of Everyone Else
(Penguin, 2012), 3.

“We are on the road”
: Paul Krugman, speaking in an interview with Bill Moyers about Thomas Piketty’s book
Capital in the Twenty-First Century
. “What the 1% Don’t Want Us to Know,”
BillMoyers.com
, April 18, 2014.

“Wealth begets power”
: Joseph E. Stiglitz, “Of the 1%, by the 1%, for the 1%,”
Vanity Fair
, May 2011.

Thomas Piketty
: Thomas Piketty,
Capital in the Twenty-First Century
, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (Belknap Press/Harvard University Press, 2014).

“disconnect themselves”
: Mike Lofgren, “Revolt of the Rich,”
American Conservative
, Aug. 27, 2012.

Only one full guest list
: The list was published by the Web site
ThinkProgress
, on October 20, 2010, in a news story by Lee Fang. In 2014,
Mother Jones
published an additional partial list.

vulture fund
: See Ari Berman, “Rudy’s Bird of Prey,”
Nation
, Oct. 11, 2007, regarding the New York State legislature enacting legislation to aid his pursuit of repayment. In addition, Singer sought help from the U.S. courts in pressuring Argentina to repay him at a profit for bonds on which the country had defaulted.

In the wake of the 2008 market crash
: According to David Carey and John E. Morris,
King of Capital: The Remarkable Rise, Fall, and Rise Again of Steve Schwarzman and Blackstone
(Crown Business, 2010), “The catalysts that spurred Congress to action were Schwarzman’s birthday gala and the looming Blackstone IPO, say people who followed the congressional discussions.”

three domestic servants soon sued him
: Christie Smythe and Zachary Mider, “Renaissance Co-CEO Mercer Sued by Home Staff over Pay,”
Bloomberg Business
, July 17, 2013.

The sum was so scandalously large
: Ken Langone, whose wealth
Forbes
estimated at $2.9 billion as of 2015, argued that Grasso’s pay was reasonable, an argument that eventually prevailed in court.

“if it wasn’t for us fat cats”
: Mark Halperin and John Heilemann,
Double Down: Game Change 2012
(Penguin, 2013), 194.

“an even wealthier man”
: “Richard Strong’s Fall Came Quickly,” Associated Press, May 27, 2004.

“prepaids done slightly differently”
: David Cay Johnston, “Anschutz Will Cost Taxpayers More Than the Billionaire,”
Tax Notes: Johnston’s Take
, Aug. 2, 2010.

By 2009, DeVos’s son
: “DeVoses May Pay a Price for Hefty Penalty; Record Fine Presents Problems; Lawyers Say They Will Appeal,”
Grand Rapids Press
, April 13, 2008.

“largest private hoard”
: Daniel Fisher, “Fuel’s Paradise,”
Forbes
, Jan. 20, 2003.

Later, Massey was bought
: In 2015, Alpha Natural Resources, the country’s fourth-largest coal company, filed for bankruptcy protection.

Harold Hamm
: Josh Harkinson, “Who Fracked Mitt Romney?,”
Mother Jones
, Nov./Dec. 2012.

Further, in the summer of 2008
: Koch Industries argued that it was in compliance with the trade ban because it had used a foreign subsidiary to help Iran build the largest methanol plant in the world. By using offshore employees as a cutout, Koch Industries adhered to the letter of the law while evading the intent of a U.S. trade ban that had been in place since 1995. Asjylan Loder and David Evans, “Koch Brothers Flout Law Getting Richer with Secret Iran Sales,”
Bloomberg Markets
, Oct. 3, 2011.

Paternalistic and family-owned
: For an excellent history of Bechtel, see Sally Denton,
Profiteers: Bechtel and the Men Who Built the World
(Simon & Schuster, forthcoming).

But when a former company pilot
: In 2010, Stewart, his wife, daughter, and two others were killed in a helicopter crash that investigators reportedly believed was caused when his five-year-old daughter, who was sitting in the cockpit, kicked the controls.

He understood how to sell
: Sean Wilentz, “States of Anarchy,”
New Republic
, March 30, 2010.

In hopes of staving off
: TARP details come from Hank Paulson,
On the Brink: Inside the Race to Stop the Collapse of the Global Financial System
(Headline, 2010), chaps. 11–13.

Among the groups now listed
: On October 1, 2008, the day of the Senate vote, Senator John Thune’s office released a list of groups that supported the bailout, and AFP was on that list:
http://www.thune.senate.gov//files/06/82/18/f068218/public/index.cfm/press-releases?ID=8c603eca-77d3-49a3-96f5-dfe92eacda06
.

A source familiar
: In his book,
Democracy Denied
(BenBella Books, 2011), Phil Kerpen, who was a top Koch operative at Americans for Prosperity, admitted that although he “hated the bill,” “I was genuinely frightened that our financial system would disintegrate.”

“the fight of their lives”
: Bill Wilson and Roy Wenzl, “The Kochs’ Quest to Save America,”
Wichita Eagle
, Oct. 15, 2012.

“like to slice and dice”
: Barack Obama, Keynote Address, Democratic National Convention, July 27, 2004.

Koch fought back
: The most thorough account of the legal issues appears in Clayton A. Coppin, “A History of Winkler Koch Engineering Company Patent Litigation and Corruption in the Federal Judiciary.” Unpublished. Commissioned by Koch Industries, shared with author.

“The fact that the judge”
: Koch family associate in interview with author.

But by 1932
: Alexander Igolkin, “Learning from American Experience,”
Oil of Russia: Lukoil International Magazine
, 2006.

Fred Koch continued to provide
: The reference to one hundred units is attributed to the “Economic Review of the Soviet Union” as quoted in a report titled “Why the Soviet Union Chose the Winkler-Koch Cracking System” by Clayton A. Coppin, commissioned by Koch Industries.

Wood River Oil & Refining
: Koch Industries’ Web site, History Timeline.

“enjoyed its first real”
: Charles G. Koch,
The Science of Success: How Market-Based Management Built the World’s Largest Private Company
(John Wiley & Sons, 2007), 6.

During the 1930s
: Fred Koch’s business trips to Germany were described by a family member.

Archival records document
: Rainer Karlsch and Raymond Stokes,
Faktor Öl
[The oil factor] (Beck, 2003).

“agent of influence”
: Davis was never charged with criminal wrongdoing. After he died in 1941, a Justice Department investigation implicating him was covered up, according to Dale Harrington,
Mystery Man: William Rhodes Davis, American Nazi Agent of Influence
(Brassey’s, 1999), 206.

The president of the American bank
: Ibid, 14. Charles Spencer of the Bank of Boston refused to have anything to do with the deal. Instead, he foisted it off on lower officers at the bank who were less scrupulous.

“Gentlemen, I have reviewed”
: Ibid., 16.

personally autograph a copy
: Ibid., 19.

“deeply committed to Nazism”
: Ibid., 18.

“produce the high-octane gasoline”
: Ibid., 19.

“was hugely, hugely important”
: Peter Hayes, interview with author.

“Winkler-Koch benefited directly”
: Raymond Stokes, interview with author.

“Although nobody agrees”
: Fred Koch to Charles de Ganahl, Oct. 1938, in Daniel Schulman,
Sons of Wichita: How the Koch Brothers Became America’s Most Powerful and Private Dynasty
(Grand Central, 2014), 41–42.

The nanny’s iron rule
: Descriptions of the nanny are based on interviews with a knowledgeable source who asked not to be identified in order to maintain ongoing relations with the family.

“My father was fairly tough”
: Bryan Burrough, “Wild Bill Koch,”
Vanity Fair
, June 1994.

“a real John Wayne type”
: John Damgard, interview with author.

Koch emphasized rugged pursuits
: Interview with Koch family cousin.

“By instilling a work ethic”
: Charles G. Koch,
Science of Success
, 9.

“Father wanted to make”
: Maryellen Mark, “Survival of the Richest,”
Fame
, Nov. 1989.

Clayton Coppin
: Coppin worked at the Program in Social and Organizational Learning, based at George Mason University, which was largely funded by the Koch family.

Portia Hamilton
: Hamilton was a 1940 graduate of Columbia University who wrote popular newspaper columns on psychology suggesting that child’s play and Rorschach tests could shed light on inner turmoil. In one column, “Troubled Little Minds,”
Milwaukee Sentinel
, April 3, 1949, she described a little girl who received “too much love” from her parents and grandparents.

His mother made clear
: Wayne, “Survival of the Richest.”

“I pleaded with them”
: Brian O’Reilly and Patty de Llosa, “The Curse on the Koch Brothers,”
Fortune
, Feb. 17, 1997.

“I hated all that”
: Charles Koch reminisced about his school years in an interview with Jason Jennings, posted on Koch Industries’ Web site.

Eventually, Culver expelled him
: The expulsion is described by both Wayne, “Survival of the Richest,” and Coppin’s unpublished study commissioned for Bill Koch, “Stealth: The History of Charles Koch’s Political Activities, Part One,” a copy of which was shared with the author.

As punishment, Charles’s father
: Charles Koch, interview with Jennings. Charles Koch’s reminiscence of his father, from interview with Jennings.

“Father put the fear”
: O’Reilly and de Llosa, “Curse on the Koch Brothers.”

“Charles spent little”
: Coppin, “Stealth.”

“There was a lot of strife”
: Coppin, interview with author.

“I think he thought”
: Roy Wenzl and Bill Wilson, “Charles Koch Relentless in Pursuing His Goals,”
Wichita Eagle
, Oct. 14, 2012.

“As soon as we arrived”
: Elizabeth Koch, “The World Tour Compatibility Test: Back in Tokyo, Part 1,”
Smith
, March 30, 2007,
http://www.smithmag.net
.

“staring down that dark well”
: Elizabeth Koch, “The World Tour Compatibility Test: Grand Finale,”
Smith
, May 3, 2007,
http://www.smithmag.net
.

“When you are 21”
: Kelley McMillan, “Bill Koch’s Wild West Adventure,”
5280: The Denver Magazine
, Feb. 2013.

“Never did such good advice”
: O’Reilly and de Llosa, “Curse on the Koch Brothers.”

“you won’t be very controversial”
: Lee Fang,
The Machine: A Field Guide to the Resurgent Right
(New Press, 2013), 100.

“utterly absurd”
: FBI memo, March 15, 1961, addressed to C. D. DeLoach (assistant FBI director), uncovered through a Freedom of Information Act request filed by Ernie Lazar.

An alphabet soup
: Fang,
Machine
, 97.

“collectivists”
: Charles Koch, “I’m Fighting to Restore a Free Society,”
Wall Street Journal
, April 2, 2014.

“a very intelligent, sharp man”
: Fang,
Machine
, 96.

“the spirit of Moscow”
: Ibid., 102.

Instead of winning
: Some conservatives have argued that Goldwater’s candidacy clarified and strengthened the GOP, but others, like Michael Gerson in “Goldwater’s Warning to the GOP,”
Washington Post
, April 18, 2014, regard his candidacy as disastrous for Republicans, partly because it repelled future generations of minority voters.

Before the emergence
: Fang,
Machine
.

“it bordered on anarchism”
: Rick Perlstein,
Before the Storm: Barry Goldwater and the Unmaking of the American Consensus
(Nation Books, 2009), 113.

“there are certain laws”
: Wenzl and Wilson, “Charles Koch Relentless.”

Early on, the Internal Revenue Service
: Coppin, “History of Winkler Koch,” 29.

He remained vehemently opposed
: Wilson and Wenzl, “Charles Koch Relentless.”

Among other strategies
: Gary Weiss, “The Price of Immortality,”
Upstart Business Journal
, Oct. 15, 2008; “Estate Planning Koch and Chase Koch (Son of Charles Koch): Past, Present, and Future,”
Repealing the Frontiers of Ignorance
, Aug. 4, 2013,
http://repealingfrontiers.blogspot.com
.

“So for 20 years”
: Weiss, “Price of Immortality.”

he arranged to pass his fortune
: In his letters, Fred Koch described his concerns about children given family fortunes at young ages who disowned their fathers, according to Coppin.

“It was pretty clear”
: Gus diZerega lost touch with Charles and eventually abandoned his right-wing views, becoming a political science professor and writer on spiritual and other matters. He nonetheless credits Charles with opening his mind to political philosophy, which set him on the path to academia.

“LeFevre was an anarchist figure”
: Brian Doherty, interview with author.

As the journalist
: Mark Ames, “Meet Charles Koch’s Brain,”
NSFWCorp
, Sept. 30, 2013. See also George Thayer,
The Farther Shores of Politics: The American Political Fringe
(Simon & Schuster, 1967). As also recounted by Donald Janson, “Conservatives at Freedom School to Prepare a New Federal Constitution,”
New York Times
, June 13, 1965, LeFevre claimed in a memoir that he took dictation from saints, drove at sixty miles per hour for twenty miles with his eyes shut, and left his physical body behind while traveling through the air to Mount Shasta, where he met Jesus Christ.

The school taught a revisionist version
: The description of the Freedom School’s curriculum is based on interviews with three former attendees, including Gus diZerega, the other two of whom asked to remain anonymous.

bastion of “ultraconservatism”
: Janson, “Conservatives at Freedom School to Prepare a New Federal Constitution.”

Charles Koch was so enthusiastic
: Clayton Coppin believes that the elder Fred Koch agreed to Charles’s request that he attend the Freedom School for a week in exchange for Charles’s agreement to support the John Birch Society.

Charles was so incensed
: “Toe the line” is based on the recollection of a source close to the Kochs.

James J. Martin
: Martin wrote for the Institute for Historical Review’s publication,
The Journal of Historical Review
, and his book
The Man Who Invented “Genocide”: The Public Career and Consequences of Raphael Lemkin
was published in 1984 by the Institute for Historical Review. In an interview with the author, Deborah Lipstadt, author of
Denying the Holocaust: The Growing Assault on Truth and Memory
(Plume, 1994), said, “One cannot be officially affiliated with the IHR and regularly publishing in its pages if one is not a Holocaust denier.”

“It was a stew pot”
: Gus diZerega, interview with author.

As Angus Burgin describes
: Angus Burgin,
The Great Persuasion: Reinventing Free Markets Since the Depression
(Harvard University Press, 2012), 88.

Hayek touted it as the key
: Phillips-Fein writes, “The great innovation of Hayek and von Mises was to create a defense of the free market using the language of freedom and revolutionary change. The free market, not the political realm, enabled human beings to realize their liberty…[T]he free market, not the welfare state, was the true basis of meaningful opposition to fascism.” Kim Phillips-Fein,
Invisible Hands: The Making of the Conservative Movement from the New Deal to Reagan
(Norton, 2009), 39–40.

By the time LeFevre died
: In 2010, a spokesman for Koch Industries tried to distance the family from the Freedom School, insisting Charles and David had never been LeFevre’s “devotees,” as I described them in the 2010
New Yorker
story “Covert Actions.” The spokesman said, “In fact they have had no contact with him since the 1960’s.” However, as Mark Ames first reported, Charles Koch sent LeFevre a friendly letter in 1973 asking for LeFevre’s approval of his plan to personally take over another libertarian organization to which LeFevre had ties, the Institute for Humane Studies.

The private life of the younger Frederick
: Deposition of William Koch.

“homosexual blackmail attempt”
: O’Reilly and de Llosa, “Curse on the Koch Brothers.”

“Charles’ ‘homosexual blackmail’ ”
: Schulman,
Sons of Wichita
, 130. Schulman describes the blackmail scheme as taking place after the senior Fred Koch died, but that is not the way it is described in Bill Koch’s deposition.

wealthiest man in Kansas
: See Coppin, “Stealth.”

Koch Industries acquired the majority share
: The Kochs bought the Pine Bend Refinery from J. Howard Marshall II, whose family members became virtually the only outside investors in Koch Industries, retaining a 15 percent share. Marshall became tabloid fodder at the age of eighty-nine for marrying Anna Nicole Smith, who at the time was a memorably zaftig twenty-six-year-old stripper and
Playboy
model.

“This single Koch refinery”
: David Sassoon, “Koch Brothers’ Activism Protects Their 50 Years in Canadian Heavy Oils,”
InsideClimate News
, May 10, 2012.

“Here I am one of the wealthiest”
: Leslie Wayne, “Brothers at Odds,”
New York Times
, Dec. 7, 1986.

“an iron hand”
: Bruce Bartlett (an economist who formerly worked for the National Center for Policy Analysis, a Dallas-based think tank that the Kochs funded), interview with author.

In 1983, Charles and David bought out
: Schulman,
Sons of Wichita
, 142.

Unlike his brothers, Frederick preferred
: Among Frederick Koch’s donations was a $3 million gift to restore the Swan, a Shakespearean theater in Stratford-upon-Avon. He attended the opening, at which Queen Elizabeth personally officiated, but requested that she not mention his name.

He lived lavishly
: Rich Roberts, “America 3 Win No Bargain Sail,”
Los Angeles Times
, May 17, 1992.

He, too, barely spoke
: Bill Koch broke his silence to speak with Charles at his twin David’s birthday party and at a visit to Bohemian Grove, the exclusive men’s social retreat in Northern California.

“in a fifty-fifty deal”
: See Louis Kraar, “Family Feud at Corporate Colossus,”
Fortune
, July 26, 1982.

“When you’re the only one”
: Weiss, “Price of Immortality.”

“the cheapest person”
:
Park Avenue: Money, Power, and the American Dream
, PBS, Nov. 12, 2012.

“It’s going to cost them”
: Interview with author. For more on David Koch’s resignation from WNET’s board, see Jane Mayer, “A Word from Our Sponsor,”
New Yorker
, May 27, 2013.