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Authors: Johnny Vineaux

Tags: #crime, #mystery, #london, #psychological thriller, #hardboiled

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In the following chapters, I
would like to explore the possibility that we are on the verge of
discovering such symbols, or even, whether such images exist.

[Shit this is getting
long-winded Remember: Write with clarity, write with sanity. Got to
start from the top.]

2.

[Insert chart of the nine
symbols here, titled]

Over the past five years I have
collated various symbols which I felt warranted examination (see
image above). My interest in them began with a dramatic personal
experience involving one. [Too much information?] The symbols
derive from all parts of the world, and their histories are as
diverse as their origins. One symbol, which I’ve named ‘Flame-Man’
was found carved into multiple stones and left, seemingly at
random, around certain excavated structures in various Eastern
African villages. Approximate dating puts them at around sixteen
thousand years old. From what can be gathered through textual
references in later years and anthropological studies at the area,
the belief was [is?] that they were used to inflict some sort of
curse on those who lived in the buildings around which they were
placed. A theory which is supported by folkloric stories still told
in the areas today.

[Insert Flame-Man stone image
here]

Two things are interesting about
these particular symbols, however. Firstly, the manner in which the
symbols were implemented. Although the shape and size of stone
varies, some have been identified as part of the structures they
were placed amongst. Others, it is assumed due to their sedimentary
qualities, were placed amongst other edifices such as nearby trees,
or larger rocks. The practice is at odds with other ritualistic
magic traditions of Africa, in which the magical object is almost
always hidden somewhere amongst the target. It is my belief that
the stones were placed in full view of the target; or to be more
specific, in order that the symbol would be seen by the target,
although perhaps not to be easily noticed.

[Insert excavation locations
diagram here]

The other, more startling, fact
about the flame-man symbol is that it has turned up in various
other records throughout history, often in association with some
sort of arson. In an unfinished play from the fifteenth century by
an unknown author there is a crude yet accurate description of the
symbol.

“...to signify the death of
flame-burnt mind,

a curve over, and slashed
beneath arms wide,

tapered arrow pricks sky, to
shaft your eye.”

The character of this line is a
witch advising a young pauper who seeks similar retribution against
a merchant who burnt down his home.

In the March 1948 issue of a
popular French antiques journal there is a photograph of an
engraved ring which bears the symbol. The object is said to
originate from 18th century America, and shows visible signs of
severe burning, the silver having slightly deformed from high
temperatures. In the accompanying anecdotal article the curator
tells of a previous owner having worn it whilst being burnt to
death in a restaurant.

[Insert flame-man ring image
here]

Other symbols have eerily
similar histories. The ‘Anger-Man’ has origins in early 4th century
BC paganism, employed by certain nomadic peoples who travelled
through what is now the Balkans from what are now Northern areas of
Greece. Artefacts indicate that the symbol was engraved primarily
into objects pertaining to warfare, and mostly during periods of
unrest, where the young men of the tribes might have had to endure
almost daily battles to avoid subjugation by the Roman and Greek
Empires. All cultural evidence of the tiny tribe disappears
dramatically after some time in the 3rd century BC, but once again
the symbol appears, again and rather surprisingly [or not], related
to incidents involving violence or murder.

[Insert Anger-Man artefact
images here]

Perhaps one of the most striking
and articulate accounts of the Anger-Man involves a German named
Tomas Bendtschneider. Born in 1856 to a wealthy printing press
owner, Bendtschneider inherited his father’s business in 1880 where
he continued to maintain it profitably. Seven years later, after a
trip to Morocco, he returned with an elaborate woven carpet and a
new fascination: Boxing. Through journalistic records and various
anecdotal accounts it appears Bendtschneider boxed with consistent
regularity for four entire years, becoming notorious for his
viciousness, cheating, and having never won a single bout. In 1889
he sold his business to a friend, and relocated to London in order
to dedicate himself fully to the then dubiously legal sport of
boxing.

In 1891 however, still without a
win, Bendtschneider was sentenced to death for the murder of three
fellow boxers over the course of two nights. During his brief
imprisonment he scrawled various approximations of the Anger-Man
symbol across the cell walls. Amongst the few personal affects that
he had brought to London, police found his Moroccan rug which was,
of course, detailed with the symbol of the Anger-Man.

[Insert newspaper article of
murders here]

Such correlations are chilling
and ominous [too personal?] to discover, and yet they continue to
emerge. Any evidence of previous usage for the various symbols
which I’ve managed to uncover so far reveals similar connections.
[Do I need more evidence? Maybe write story of Sex-Man if I can do
it briefly. Might undermine point.]

If we presume that there is a
link between these symbols and the events which often surround
them, and there is much reason to, then three questions must be
asked.

Where do these symbols come
from?

How can these symbols affect
humans?

Are these symbols in circulation
now?

The first question is impossible
to answer accurately. The tribe bearing the Flame-Man and the
stones found in the villages are the earliest recordings discovered
so far. Other confirmations can be found as far back as the 7th
century. But most records of these symbols can be found over the
course of the past few centuries.

As to the creation of these
symbols, it is tempting to think they were designed or manufactured
by someone, or a group, conscious of their proposed imbued
properties. It is far more plausible, however, that the symbols
came about through a process of refinement, and that their
qualities ensured they remained in the public domain throughout
their long lifespans.

Following on from the theory of
how these symbols were developed, the method by which they affect
humans can also be scrutinised with one very plausible theory in
mind. In many instances of these symbols appearing over the past
centuries, most have a connection with occult practices and those
interested in them. In fact, my naming of them derives from the
name attributed to the most prominent one by a sect of the Wica
(early Wiccans) in the early 20th century; the Delete-Man.

Whether these relatively recent
adopters of various symbols were aware of their histories is
unclear. Those who did employ one or more symbols in their craft
appeared to perceive a potential for effect in them, and attributed
it to magic. [Not magic. Might as well be. Just like this computer
when it works. Too many demons living on the motherboard.] Of
course, the hypothesis of magic is understandable yet unlikely.

It is probable, rather, that the
effect of these symbols is somewhat closer to that of propaganda; a
singular image capable of inducing emotion at various levels of
consciousness. An idea which ought not be taken lightly. As
mentioned before, the difference to propaganda capable of powerful
emotional leverage, without previously invested context and viewer
experience, is radical.

The third question, that of
whether these symbols exist and are in some sort of active capacity
now is the one of which I have most personal experience and
investment. [Omit that? Too far gone now I suppose.] My decision to
publish these symbols amongst these pages [Should I even be doing
that?] was produced by personal confirmation these emblems are in
circulation at this very moment. Just how, and to what level is of
huge importance. In the following chapter I will elaborate on the
present and growing danger of these images.

3.

The first years of the 21st
century were a time of great experimentation and evolution in the
world of propaganda. With the advent of the internet, rapid
globalisation, and growing accessibility to cheap Eastern
manufacturing; advertising and its relation to consumerism was
arguably stronger than the ‘golden age’ of the fifties, where
television, post-war economic stimulation, and the popularisation
of psychological advertising techniques became the template for
Western living.

Thousands of internet start-up
companies, as well as older institutionally commercial interests
seeking to exploit the potential for expansion, looked to
advertisers for new methods of marketing. The result of their
dramatic investment and sought-after breakthroughs was a diverse
array of techniques and styles, applied with hugely varying levels
of sophistication.

One of the most interesting
figures to emerge from this advertising boom was Samuel Harvey,
creative director of Harvey and Timberland Media Sources. In 1999
Harvey created a think tank for advertising approaches which could
penetrate as deeply as possible. In an interview with Advertising
Agenda he said:

“…What most of them
[unsuccessful advertisers] overlook is receptivity. In a
supermarket, branding works because of the environment; bright,
dreamy lighting, a little bit of Mozart muzak, smooth floors and
fittings, and a lot of white to make the labels pop. All of that
creates a very receptive mind state. An advert for jeans can be
perfect, but unless the target sees others wearing those jeans, or
better still, a famous actor or rock star, then the advert’s
potency is minimized. The receptivity won’t be there.

“[On the concern that
advertising is reaching over-saturation.]…the opposite is true,
actually. The more advertising in public view, the more receptive
targets become. If only a single advert sells a concept, then the
target can easily go into negative [remain unconvinced of the
advert’s message], but if a hundred adverts sell the same concept,
then targets are far more likely to turn up positive. I think
moving forward, the saturation of adverts will rely on a kind of
inter-dependency, creating a good climate for positives. There will
be a ‘culture’ of advertising. People are already getting there.
People use the words ‘consume’, ‘content’, or ‘product’ frequently
now. The semantic of advertising is already in people’s minds.

“With more branding, we can ask
the question ‘which brand will you choose? Which identity do you
want?’ rather than ‘will you buy or won’t you buy? Do you need
this?’ and for the market in general that is a good thing.”

Advertising Agenda, July
2002

Harvey’s thoughts on receptivity
and a ‘culture of advertising’ proved to be correct. Later studies
have shown that in societies with more advertising the receptivity
to their emotional messages increases (Yeovil, Thompson, Chaudrey,
et al, 2007). After exposure to a continuous amount of adverts
subjects in these studies were often more trusting, less
opinionated, up to 64% more likely to believe a lie, and up to 31%
more likely to perform acts which they had previously refused.

Harvey became a prominent figure
within advertising in large part due to his unconventional
campaigns and theories on receptivity in consumers. Although his
campaigns were not consistently commercially lucrative, he gained a
reputation for innovation. One of his most renowned campaigns (a
commercial failure nonetheless) was an attempt to popularise a
brand of mechanical skateboards. For this project, Harvey conceived
of a ‘conspiracy-game’, which involved ambiguous codes and ciphers
placed in major cities across three continents. A few remnants of
these messages still exist at those locations today.

“It was a bit ambitious, wasn’t
it? [Laughs] No. That campaign was actually very successful, in
terms of penetration. People still visit the locations and discuss
them online today. They’ve become kind of urban myths, and you’d be
surprised what people say about them now.

[Interviewer] What do they
say?

SH: Oh, you know, conspiracies.
The Illuminati, the New World Order. [Pauses] The Pope! [Laughs]
The problem with that campaign was that it took too long to
generate interest. We had employees posting on the website
anonymously, giving clues, pointing out the right directions, but
by the time enough people had visited the sites and were starting
to decipher it themselves the product had been over-exposed and was
dead in the water.

[Interviewer] You came under a
lot of criticism and ridicule for the campaign. Do you regret
it?

SH: Not really, no. The aim was
to create a brand out of nothing and that endured—which we did. The
problem with it was how much time it took to catch. The internet
wasn’t as ubiquitous as it was back then, but if someone were to
attempt something like that today then I think it would be quite
effective. [Pauses] The type of product it was didn’t help, it was
a long-haul strategy for a product which needed to be a sensation.
A mistake I hold my hands up to.

[Interviewer] Weird skateboards
would never become a sensation.

SH: [Laughs] Neither should
bottled water—but there you go.”

20 Men Who Can Read Your Mind,
Squire Magazine; November 2006

Harvey’s later projects were
more conventional, yet he continued to maintain a level of ambition
that drew clients to his agency. Shortly before his death in
December, 2007, Harvey requested some conceptual sketches based
upon several insignias he had collected. Claude Packard, an
up-and-coming designer at Harvey’s firm, was the person chosen to
make them.

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