Einstein (29 page)

That raised some big questions: What was the medium that was propagating these waves? And their speed of 186,000 miles per second was a speed
relative to what
?

The answer, it seemed, was that light waves are a disturbance of an unseen medium, which was called the ether, and that their speed is relative to this ether. In other words, the ether was for light waves something akin to what air was for sound waves. “It appeared beyond question that light must be interpreted as a vibratory process in an elastic, inert medium filling up universal space,” Einstein later noted.
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This ether, unfortunately, needed to have many puzzling properties. Because light from distant stars is able to reach the earth, the ether had to pervade the entire known universe. It had to be so gossamer and, shall we say, so ethereal that it had no effect on planets and feathers floating through it. Yet it had to be stiff enough to allow a wave to vibrate through it at an enormous speed.

All of this led to the great ether hunt of the late nineteenth century. If light was indeed a wave rippling through the ether, then you should see the waves going by you at a faster speed if you were moving
through
the ether toward the light source. Scientists devised all sorts of ingenious devices and experiments to detect such differences.

They used a variety of suppositions of how the ether might behave. They looked for it as if it were motionless and the earth passed freely through it. They looked for it as if the earth dragged parts of it along in a blob, the way it does its own atmosphere. They even considered the unlikely possibility that the earth was the only thing at rest with respect to the ether, and that everything else in the cosmos was spinning around, including the other planets, the sun, the stars, and presumably poor Copernicus in his grave.

One experiment, which Einstein later called “of fundamental importance in the special theory of relativity,”
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was by the French physicist Hippolyte Fizeau, who sought to measure the speed of light in a moving medium. He split a light beam with a half-silvered angled mirror that sent one part of the beam through water in the direction of the water’s flow and the other part against the flow. The two parts of the beam were then reunited. If one route took longer, then the crests and troughs of its waves would be out of sync with the waves of the other beam. The experimenters could tell if this happened by looking at the interference pattern that resulted when the waves were rejoined.

A different and far more famous experiment was done in Cleveland in 1887 by Albert Michelson and Edward Morley. They built a contraption that similarly split a light beam and sent one part back and forth to a mirror at the end of an arm facing in the direction of the earth’s movement and the other part back and forth along an arm at a 90-degree angle to it. Once again, the two parts of the beam were then rejoined and the interference pattern analyzed to see if the path that was going up against the supposed ether wind would take longer.

No matter who looked, or how they looked, or what suppositions they made about the behavior of the ether, no one was able to detect the elusive substance. No matter which way anything was moving, the speed of light was observed to be exactly the same.

So scientists, somewhat awkwardly, turned their attention to coming up with explanations about why the ether existed but was undetectable in any experiment. Most notably, in the early 1890s Hendrik Lorentz—the cosmopolitan and congenial Dutch father figure of
theoretical physics—and, independently, the Irish physicist George Fitzgerald came up with the hypothesis that solid objects contracted slightly when they moved through the ether. The Lorentz-Fitzgerald contraction would shorten everything, including the measuring arms used by Michelson and Morley, and it would do so by just the exact amount to make the effect of the ether on light undetectable.

Einstein felt that the situation “was very depressing.” Scientists found themselves unable to explain electromagnetism using the Newtonian “mechanical view of nature,” he said, and this “led to a fundamental dualism which in the long run was insupportable.”
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“A new idea comes suddenly and in a rather intuitive way,” Einstein once said. “But,” he hastened to add, “intuition is nothing but the outcome of earlier intellectual experience.”
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Einstein’s discovery of special relativity involved an intuition based on a decade of intellectual as well as personal experiences.
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The most important and obvious, I think, was his deep understanding and knowledge of theoretical physics. He was also helped by his ability to visualize thought experiments, which had been encouraged by his education in Aarau. Also, there was his grounding in philosophy: from Hume and Mach he had developed a skepticism about things that could not be observed. And this skepticism was enhanced by his innate rebellious tendency to question authority.

Also part of the mix—and probably reinforcing his ability to both visualize physical situations and to cut to the heart of concepts—was the technological backdrop of his life: helping his uncle Jakob to refine the moving coils and magnets in a generator; working in a patent office that was being flooded with applications for new methods of coordinating clocks; having a boss who encouraged him to apply his skepticism; living near the clock tower and train station and just above the telegraph office in Bern just as Europe was using electrical signals to synchronize clocks within time zones; and having as a sounding board his engineer friend Michele Besso, who worked with him at the patent office, examining electromechanical devices.
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The ranking of these influences is, of course, a subjective judgment. After all, even Einstein himself could not be sure how the process unfolded. “It is not easy to talk about how I arrived at the theory of relativity,” he said. “There were so many hidden complexities to motivate my thought.”
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One thing we can note with some confidence is Einstein’s main starting point. He repeatedly said that his path toward the theory of relativity began with his thought experiment at age 16 about what it would be like to ride at the speed of light alongside a light beam. This produced a “paradox,” he said, and it troubled him for the next ten years:

If I pursue a beam of light with the velocity
c
(velocity of light in a vacuum), I should observe such a beam of light as an electromagnetic field at rest though spatially oscillating. There seems to be no such thing, however, neither on the basis of experience nor according to Maxwell’s equations. From the very beginning it appeared to me intuitively clear that, judged from the standpoint of such an observer, everything would have to happen according to the same laws as for an observer who, relative to the earth, was at rest. For how should the first observer know or be able to determine that he is in a state of fast uniform motion? One sees in this paradox the germ of the special relativity theory is already contained.
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This thought experiment did not necessarily undermine the ether theory of light waves. An ether theorist could imagine a frozen light beam. But it violated Einstein’s intuition that the laws of optics should obey the principle of relativity. In other words, Maxwell’s equations, which specify the speed of light, should be the same for all observers in constant-velocity motion. The emphasis that Einstein placed on this memory indicates that the idea of a frozen light beam—or frozen electromagnetic waves—seemed instinctively wrong to him.
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In addition, the thought experiment suggests that he sensed a conflict between Newton’s laws of mechanics and the constancy of the speed of light in Maxwell’s equations. All of this instilled in him “a state of psychic tension” that he found deeply unnerving. “At the very beginning, when the special theory of relativity began to germinate in me, I was visited by all sorts of nervous conflicts,” he later recalled.
“When young, I used to go away for weeks in a state of confusion.”
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There was also a more specific “asymmetry” that began to bother him. When a magnet moves relative to a wire loop, an electric current is produced. As Einstein knew from his experience with his family’s generators, the amount of this electric current is exactly the same whether the magnet is moving while the coil seems to be sitting still, or the coil is moving while the magnet seems to be sitting still. He also had studied an 1894 book by August Föppl,
Introduction to Maxwell’s Theory of Electricity.
It had a section specifically on “The Electrodynamics of Moving Conductors” that questioned whether, when induction occurs, there should be any distinction between whether the magnet or the conducting coil is said to be in motion.
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“But according to the Maxwell-Lorentz theory,” Einstein recalled, “the theoretical interpretation of the phenomenon is very different for the two cases.” In the first case, Faraday’s law of induction said that the motion of the magnet through the ether created an electric field. In the second case, Lorentz’s force law said a current was created by the motion of the conducting coil through the magnetic field. “The idea that these two cases should essentially be different was unbearable to me,” Einstein said.
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Einstein had been wrestling for years with the concept of the ether, which theoretically determined the definition of “at rest” in these electrical induction theories. As a student at the Zurich Polytechnic in 1899, he had written to Mileva Mari
that “the introduction of the term ‘ether’ into theories of electricity has led to the conception of a medium whose motion can be described without, I believe, being able to ascribe physical meaning to it.”
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Yet that very month he was on vacation in Aarau working with a teacher at his old school on ways to detect the ether. “I had a good idea for investigating the way in which a body’s relative motion with respect to the ether affects the velocity of the propagation of light,” he told Mari
.

Professor Weber told Einstein that his approach was impractical. Probably at Weber’s suggestion, Einstein then read a paper by Wilhelm Wien that described the null results of thirteen ether-detection experiments, including those by Michelson and Morley and by
Fizeau.
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He also learned about the Michelson-Morley experiment by reading, sometime before 1905, Lorentz’s 1895 book,
Attempt at a Theory of Electrical and Optical Phenomena in Moving Bodies.
In this book, Lorentz goes through various failed attempts to detect the ether as a prelude to developing his theory of contractions.
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So what effect did the Michelson-Morley results—which showed no evidence of the ether and no difference in the observed speed of light no matter in what direction the observer was moving—have on Einstein as he was incubating his ideas on relativity? To hear him tell it, almost none at all. In fact, at times he would even recollect (incorrectly) that he had not even known of the experiment before 1905. Einstein’s inconsistent statements over the next fifty years about the influence of Michelson-Morley are useful in that they remind us of the caution needed when writing history based on dimming recollections.
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Einstein’s trail of contradictory statements begins with an address he gave in Kyoto, Japan, in 1922, when he noted that Michelson’s failure to detect an ether was “the first path that led me to what we call the principle of special relativity.” In a toast at a 1931 dinner in Pasadena honoring Michelson, Einstein was gracious to the eminent experimenter, yet subtly circumspect: “You uncovered an insidious defect in the ether theory of light, as it then existed, and stimulated the ideas of Lorentz and Fitzgerald, out of which the Special Theory of Relativity developed.”
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