Fires of War (56 page)

On the other hand, now was not a good time to blow Mangjeol off.

“When are the aluminum can people coming?” Tewilliger asked the assistant.

“Should have been here five minutes ago,” said Hannigan, looking at his watch.

That frosted him—senators kept lobbyists waiting, not the other way around. Especially greedy sons of bitches like Mo and Schmo, Tewilliger’s pet names for the two lobbyists who wanted more waivers in the upcoming environmental bill.

“Which line?” Tewilliger asked.

“Two.”

“Keep Mo and Schmo outside at least ten minutes before telling me they’re here,” Tewilliger told his assistant before picking up the phone. “Harry, how the hell are you?”

“Senator, I have important information from a friend in Korea. Very important,” said Mangjeol breathlessly. “It is . . . incredible.”

“What’s that?”

“Kim Jong-Il is to be deposed. A defector will take off tonight with a list of his foreign bank accounts.”

He’s finally lost it, Tewilliger thought, trying to decide how to deal with him. Sane or not, Mangjeol represented considerable contributions.

“Well, that is . . .
incredible
information,” said the senator. “But. . . Well, to act on it. . .”

“I will forward you the e-mail. If you can get it into the right hands.”

“Of course I can get it into the right hands,” said Tewilliger. Perhaps Mangjeol wasn’t insane. Perhaps the e-mail had some small piece of truth in it.

More likely it was part of a complicated phishing scam launched by Chinese pirates.

Then again, it might have some value. He could forward it to the CIA.. .

No, send it directly to McCarthy, or one of his people. Let them take the fall if it was phony.

“I would not believe that it was real,” said Mangjeol, “but it does contain specific details, including a location of a secret air base.”

“Send it, please,” Tewilliger told Mangjeol. “And how are your children?”

~ * ~

5

THE WHITE HOUSE, WASHINGTON, D.C.

“Ms. Alston, this is Senator Tewilliger. I’m sorry to bother you so late.”

Corrine glanced at her watch. It was only a quarter past five.

“Not at all, Senator. How can I help you?”

“As it happens, I may be able to help you. Or, rather, the president. Some important information has come to me and I want to deliver it to Jonathon personally.”

“He’s not back yet.”

“So I heard. This is very important, perhaps time critical. I was wondering if you could meet me in my office.”

Corrine hesitated.

“I realize it’s an unusual request, but the matter is unusual. It pertains to Korea, which I know the president has been asking you to help him with.”

“I can be over in an hour,” she told him.

“The sooner the better.”

~ * ~

ven though he’d had her rush over, Senator Tewilliger kept Corrine waiting in his outer office nearly fifteen minutes. She spent the time staring at the senator’s appointment secretary, a young woman roughly her age, whose long, elaborately painted nails made working the phone an adventure. The senator’s legislative assistant, James Hannigan, appeared from the inner office every few minutes to assure her that the senator was “just about ready.” Finally, the door to the office opened and two men Corrine recognized as lobbyists for the aluminum industry emerged just ahead of Tewilliger. The senator greeted her in a booming voice, then introduced her to the two lobbyists.

“The president’s counsel. I’m sure you know her,” said Tewilliger.

Corrine smiled politely and shook the men’s hands, convinced the senator had called her over primarily to impress the lobbyists; her presence would suggest he was very close to the president.

The lobbyists gone, Tewilliger ushered her inside, then stepped out to check to see if any important messages had been left while he’d been “in conference.” It was an old Washington game, puffing up one’s importance, but all it did was antagonize Corrine further.

“Important news,” said Tewilliger when he came back in. “I have something that came from unofficial sources.”

“OK.”

“A North Korean pilot is going to defect in the next twenty-four hours. He’ll be in a MiG-29, one of their newest planes. He’ll have records with him relating to Kim Jong-Il.”

“What sort of records?”

“Financial records.” Tewilliger opened his top desk drawer and took a folded piece of paper out. “This is a copy of the e-mail. It’s in Korean, unfortunately. I had James make a copy of the file. Apparently you need some sort of special keyboard or letter set to read the characters right or they come out as you see.”

“Where exactly did this information come from?”

“A constituent with very high-level contacts over there, business contacts,” said the senator. “I don’t know much about these things, but I’ve heard that you can trace e-mail. Supposedly there are map coordinates and actual place names my constituent claims are real.”

Corrine glanced at the e-mail header. There was quite a bit of data there, but it was not very difficult to spoof or fake an e-mail address or the path it had taken to its recipient.

“I don’t want to sound skeptical. . .” started Corrine.

“But you are.”

“I guess I am.”

“So am I. As I say, I don’t read Korean.”

“Have you contacted the CIA?”

“I thought you would prefer to do that,” said Tewilliger.

“I will,” said Corrine. She rose.

“Ms. Alston, I know the president and I... at times we haven’t always agreed on policy. The treaty is an example of that. The incident in the North, with the army mobilizing . . . Well, it made me decide I have to oppose the treaty at all costs. But I assure you, what Jon McCarthy and I agree on far surpasses our few disagreements.”

“I’m sure the president would agree.”

“And with you I have no disagreements,” said Tewilliger.

“Thank you, Senator.”

Tewilliger got up from behind his desk and took the door as she opened it. “If you ever decide to look for a new boss, come see me,” he told her. “I intend to be at this game a long time.”

Corrine couldn’t think of anything to say, so she only smiled.

~ * ~

6

SEOUL, SOUTH KOREA

“This is a wonderful present, Mr. Park,” said Yeop Hu, studying the jeweled hilt. “I am quite honored to receive it.”

“It’s a small token of friendship.” Park nodded to the president.

“We’ve never been very good friends,” admitted South Korea’s president. He smiled at his staff members.

“This is true,” said Park, “but there is the future, and perhaps we will find our way then.”

“Certainly.”

The president placed the knife back in its scabbard and returned it to the wooden box Park had presented it in.

“I have something else for you,” the billionaire told the politician. “Given the present crisis, it may be of use.”

“It’s just another bluff by the dictator to show that he is alive,” said Yeop. “In a few days, it will blow over.”

“Perhaps.” Park reached inside his jacket and took out two large envelopes. “A friend asked me to deliver these personally. I do not know what they contain.”

“A friend?”

“An important man in the North. General Namgung.”

At the mention of the North Korean general, the president reached for one of the ceremonial letter openers on his desk. This disappointed Park; he had hoped the president would use the knife.

One of the envelopes contained detailed orders similar to those that had been carried by the “defector” who’d been shot at the DMZ a few days before. The second was a brief, handwritten letter. The letter stated that the author would do whatever he could to preserve peace between the people of Korea.

“It’s not signed,” said the president, holding it up for Park to see.

“As I said, I haven’t looked at the letters. They were not addressed to me.” Park nodded again. “But perhaps the general thought it unwise to put his signature to anything.”

The president handed both documents to his chief of staff, directing that they be sent to the National Security Council immediately.

“You know Namgung well?”

“Our families were in business together many years in the past,” said Park. “Before the barbarians raped our people in the world war.”

The president’s mood had deepened considerably. “Let us have lunch,” he said. “We can discuss this further.”

Park bowed. As they left the room, he shot a glance back toward the ancient knife he had brought as a present. How long would it take the president, he wondered, to learn that the man for whom it had been made, a thirteenth-century traitor to one of the great lords of Korea, had used it to commit suicide after his crime was discovered?

~ * ~

7

CIA HEADQUARTERS, LANGLEY, VIRGINIA

To get beyond the crisis, Slott knew he had to put his personal feelings aside, but it was difficult, very difficult.

He took a deep breath, then used the secure line to call Corrine Alston.

“This is Corrine.”

“The e-mail you sent over, we’ve translated it,” he told her. “It has flight coordinates, not an actual base. But we have a reasonable idea where it would have had to start from.”

“It’s a real e-mail?”

“It appears so. The course here would take the aircraft to Japan. As it happens, it’s almost precisely the course a North Korean defector took a decade ago, bringing his MiG-27 west.”

“Did the message come from North Korea?” Corrine asked.

“Ultimately? It’s possible. We’re not sure.”

The National Security Agency had intercepted a similar e-mail to someone in the Japanese consulate in Seoul a few hours ago. Tracing the e-mails’ origin was not as easy as people thought, however, since someone who knew what he or she was doing could employ a number of tricks to disguise the true path. There were enough arguments for and against authenticity in this case that the NSA had held off on an official verdict. At the very least, it was an elaborate fake—so elaborate that it had to be taken seriously.

“Can I ask where this came from?” said Slott, trying his best to keep his voice level.

“Gordon Tewilliger got it from a constituent. He called me over to his office about a half hour ago.”

“Why you?”

“I don’t know. He wanted me to give it to you—to the Agency—and to alert the president. He’s opposed to the treaty, though. So I don’t know his angle precisely. It’s political, obviously.”

Slott wasn’t convinced that the e-mail had simply dropped into her lap. But there was no point in pursuing it. If Corrine Alston—if the president—was running some sort of backdoor clandestine service, he wasn’t in a position to stop it.