Hawaii's Story by Hawaii's Queen (16 page)

T
HE
final entertainment, given to the party of royal visitors from all quarters of the globe, was a garden party, tendered by Her Majesty Queen Victoria, at which she herself and all her good and beautiful children were present. Punctually at the appointed hour the Queen of England, attended by the heir apparent to the throne, H. R. H. the Prince of Wales, accompanied by the princess, his lovely wife, made their appearance; following them came the other members of the royal family. The procession moved along the gravelled walks of the palace garden, led by the great and good lady whose jubilee year we were celebrating. It was made up of kings and queens, princes and princesses, from most of the reigning families of the world; on each side of us as we passed stood the crowds of eager and respectful observers; the greensward in the gardens at each side of the walk was a solid mass of people. These were of many ranks and conditions in life, and principally persons of note. Among them were well-known actors and celebrated actresses; naval officers, and other holders of official positions; representatives of almost every class over whom the good queen rules. Here and there, as we advanced, were heard strains of music, tents having been erected for the accommodation of the bands which were in service for the day. I think there were four of these at different points in our march, each composed of the best and most skilful musicians that could be enlisted for the occasion.

We finally paused before two tents which had been assigned to the party. Into one of these entered Her Majesty Victoria, no one going into her tent, excepting only the Prince of Wales. Even the princess, his wife, accompanied the other ladies into the tent which had been provided for our reception. Queen Kapiolani and I had the honor of being directly with this accomplished lady, while her husband, with a son's devotion such as he has always so commendably shown, had gone to attend his royal mother. Close to us was a table sumptuously furnished with all that taste could desire; but however attractive to the eye, I noticed its viands were not liberally consumed.

As we had passed along in the light of day, I had had an opportunity to impress upon my mind the appearance of the Queen of England, and to look at her as a woman, under circumstances far more favorable for permanent impression than in some of the pageants where she had officially appeared. She was sixty-eight years of age at this time, and seemed to be in the best of health. In walking she carried a little ebony cane on which she scarcely leaned. She had been represented to me as short, stout, and fat, and not at all graceful in appearance; but I did not at all agree with the truth of this representation. She was a well-proportioned, gracious, queenly woman. I would not call her handsome; yet she had a kind, winning expression on her face which gave evidence of the gentle spirit within. This was to be our final interview, and the afternoon with its pleasures soon passed away; we bade adieu to our royal hostess, wishing her with all our hearts many, many more years of prosperity as a sovereign, and content and peace as the woman whose name is respected and loved wherever the sun shines throughout the wide, wide world.

Returning to our hotel, we received news which changed at once the current of our thoughts. This was of the revolutionary movement, inaugurated by those of foreign blood, or American birth, in the Hawaiian Islands during our absence. It was indeed a case of marked ingratitude; for this rebellion against constituted authority had been brought about by the very persons for whose prosperity His Majesty Kalakaua had made such exertions, and by those to whom he had shown the greatest favors. On receipt of the intelligence, we decided that, instead of continuing our proposed tour, and visiting the continent of Europe, we would return at once to Honolulu. Mr. and Mrs. Armstrong proved themselves faithful friends, and through their kindness all was speedily arranged for the return voyage. They were ably assisted in their hospitable work by Mr. and Mrs. Sigismond Hoffnung and their son, Mr. Sidney Hoffnung. The last-named had been
chargé d'affaires
at Hawaii at one time in place of Mr. Abraham Hoffnung, who left him in that office during his own absence in Australia. The Hoffnungs while we were in London gave a grand entertainment and dinner in honor of the visit of Queen Kapiolani, and we then had the pleasure of meeting Lord Rosebery and his wife. This lady was a daughter of one of the Rothschilds, a large woman of fine appearance and commanding presence, and of a style which made her noticeable in company. Then she wore around her neck a string of single pearls which was a wonder in itself, for I was told that its value was about three hundred thousand dollars. We had the pleasure of meeting her again at an afternoon tea, which passed off very charmingly, given to us at her residence, at which there were many interesting people.

But after the news we received from home, our minds would not be at rest to further enjoy the kind attentions which had been tendered us during the month of our stay; so we bade adieu to the beautiful city of London, and took our departure for Liverpool. There we parted with Mr. and Mrs. Armstrong, and went on board the Servia, Captain McKay, of the Cunard Line, by which steamer we made a pleasant passage of nine days to New York. Resting only long enough to get our accommodations on the overland train, in six days more we were in San Francisco; and six days' farther travel, this time by water, found us nearing our home. The weather on our westward way had been excessively hot; for it was midsummer, and we had suffered some inconvenience from the heat in crossing the continent. Our own climate is so equal in temperature that we feel extremes of heat even more than excessive cold.

As our vessel was entering the harbor of Honolulu, a smaller steamer came off to meet us; and being made fast alongside, we were transferred, and at once made for the shore. Here we found the people assembled to give us a royal welcome. The wharves were lined with throngs of men and women. The shipping, too, had been utilized for points of observation, and the decks and rigging of all the vessels were filled with those eager to watch the coming of the royal party. And yet, mingled with all the joy felt at our safe return, there was an undercurrent of sadness as of a people who had known with us a crushing sorrow. There were traces of tears on the cheeks of many of our faithful retainers, which we noticed, and of which we knew the meaning, as we passed by. They knew, and we knew, although no word was spoken, the changes which had taken place while we had been away, and which had been forced upon the king.

We were received by the members of the new cabinet of the king, by name Mr. Godfrey Brown, Minister of Foreign Affairs; Mr. L. A. Thurston, Minister of the Interior; Mr. W. I. Green, Minister of Finance; Mr. C. W. Ashford, Attorney-General, — all men of foreign birth; while of the ministry directly preceding, three members had been native Hawaiians.

Mr. Brown shook us warmly by the hands, and attended us to the royal carriage which had been waiting; and then, accompanied by the royal staff of His Majesty, we were quickly driven past the assembled multitudes to Iolani Palace, where King Kalakaua —my brother and the husband of Queen Kapiolani — was prepared to receive us. He appeared bright, and glad to welcome us back; yet we could see on his countenance traces of the terrible strain through which he had passed, and evidences of the anxiety over the perilous position, although this was only the commencement of the troubles preparing for our family and nation.

I
T
is necessary now to briefly review the events which had taken place in our absence of about three months abroad. We arrived in Honolulu on the twenty-sixth day of July, 1887. A conspiracy against the peace of the Hawaiian Kingdom had been taking shape since early spring. By the 15th of June, prior to our return, it had assumed a no less definite shape than the overthrow of the monarchy.

For many years our sovereigns had welcomed the advice of, and given full representations in their government and councils to, American residents who had cast in their lot with our people, and established industries on the Islands. As they became wealthy, and acquired titles to lands through the simplicity of our people and their ignorance of values and of the new land laws, their greed and their love of power proportionately increased; and schemes for aggrandizing themselves still further, or for avoiding the obligations which they had incurred to us, began to occupy their minds. So the mercantile element, as embodied in the Chamber of Commerce, the sugar planters, and the proprietors of the"missionary" stores, formed a distinct political party, called the"down-town" party, whose purpose was to minimize or entirely subvert other interests, and especially the prerogatives of the crown, which, based upon ancient custom and the authority of the island chiefs, were the sole guaranty of our nationality. Although settled among us, and drawing their wealth from our resources, they were alien to us in their customs and ideas respecting government, and desired above all things the extension of their power, and to carry out their own special plans of advancement, and to secure their own personal benefit. It may be true that they really believed us unfit to be trusted to administer the growing wealth of the Islands in a safe and proper way. But if we manifested any incompetency, it was in not foreseeing that
they
would be bound by no obligations, by honor, or by oath of allegiance, should an opportunity arise for seizing our country, and bringing it under the authority of the United States.

Kalakaua valued the commercial and industrial prosperity of his kingdom highly. He sought honestly to secure it for every class of people, alien or native, in his dominions, making it second only to the advancement of morals and education. If he believed in the divine right of kings, and the distinctions of hereditary nobility, it was not alone from the prejudices of birth and native custom, but because he was able to perceive that even the most enlightened nations of the earth have not as yet been able to replace them with a ruling class equally able, patriotic, or disinterested. I say this with all reverence for the form of government and the social order existing in the United States, whose workings have, for more than a century, excited the interest of the world; not the interest of the common people only, but of nobles, rulers, and kings. Kalakaua's highest and most earnest desire was to be a true sovereign, the chief servant of a happy, prosperous, and progressive people. He regarded himself as the responsible arbiter of clashing interests, and his own breast as the ordained meeting-place of the spears of political contention. He was rightly jealous of his prerogatives, because they were responsibilities which no civic body in his kingdom could safely undertake to administer. He freely gave his personal efforts to the securing of a reciprocity treaty with the United States, and sought the co-operation of that great and powerful nation, because he was persuaded it would enrich, or benefit, not one class, but, in a greater or less degree, all his subjects.

His interviews with General Grant, his investigations into the labor problems, which the success of the Hawaiian plantations demanded, were all means to the same end, —an increase of domestic prosperity. He succeeded, and the joy of the majority was great. The planters were elated, the merchants were encouraged, money flowed into their pockets, bankrupt firms became wealthy, sugar companies declared fabulous dividends; the prosperity for which my brother had so faithfully worked he most abundantly secured for his people, especially for those of foreign birth, or missionary ancestry, who had become permanent residents of Hawaii.

The king did not accomplish these things without some native opposition; although it was respectful and deferent to his decision, as the ideas and customs of our people require. Some foresaw that this treaty with the United States might become the entering wedge for the loss of our independence. What would be the consequences should the Islands acquire too great a commercial attraction, too large a foreign population and interests? would not these interests demand the protection of a flag backed by a great military or naval power? But Kalakaua, aware that under the provisions of international law no nation could attack us without cause, and relying on the established policy of our great ally, the United States, fully assured that no colonial scheme would find acceptation there, boldly adventured upon the effort which so greatly increased the wealth and importance of his kingdom, — a wealth which has, however, owing to circumstances which he could not then foresee, and which none of his loyal counsellors even dreamed of, now gone almost wholly into the pockets of aliens and foes.

For years the"missionary party" had, by means of controlling the cabinets appointed by the king, kept itself in power. Its leaders were constantly intriguing to make the ministry their tool, or to have in its organization a power for carrying out their own special plans, and securing their own personal benefit. And now, without any provocation on the part of the king, having matured their plans in secret, the men of foreign birth rose one day
en masse
, called a public meeting, and forced the king, without any appeal to the suffrages of the people, to sign a constitution of their own preparation, a document which deprived the sovereign of all power, made him a mere tool in their hands, and practically took away the franchise from the Hawaiian race. This constitution was never in any way ratified, either by the people, or by their representatives, even after violence had procured the king's signature to it. Contrary entirely to the intent of the prior constitution drawn by a Hawaiian monarch (under which for twenty-three years the nation had been conducted to prosperity), this draft of 1887 took all power from the ruler, and meant that from that day the"missionary party" took the law into its own hands.
¹

It may be asked,"Why did the king give them his signature?" I answer without hesitation, because he had discovered traitors among his most trusted friends, and knew not in whom he could trust; and because he had every assurance, short of actual demonstration, that the conspirators were ripe for revolution, and had taken measures to have him assassinated if he refused. His movements of late had been watched, and his steps dogged, as though he had been a fugitive from justice. Whenever he attempted to go out in the evening, either to call at the hotel, or visit any one of his friends' houses, he was conscious of the presence of enemies who were following stealthily on his track. But, happily, Providence watched over him, and thus he was guarded from personal harm.

He signed that constitution under absolute compulsion. Details of the conspiracy have come to me since from sources upon which I can rely, which lead to the conviction that but for the repugnance or timidity of one of the executive committee, since risen very high
in the counsels of the so-called republic, he would have been assassinated.
¹
Then they had planned for the immediate abrogation of the monarchy, the declaration of a republic, and a proposal for annexation to be made to the United States. The constitution of the republic was actually framed and agreed upon; but the plot was not fully carried out —more moderate counsels prevailed. They therefore took the very constitution of which I have spoken, the one which had been drafted for a republic, hastily rewrote it so as to answer their ends, and forced Kalakaua to affix thereto his official signature.

It has been known ever since that day as"The Bayonet Constitution," and the name is well chosen; for the cruel treatment received by the king from the military companies, which had been organized by his enemies under other pretences, but really to give them the power of coercion, was the chief measure used to enforce his submission. They had illegally come out against him, bearing arms; and it is openly stated that they had prepared measures to be a law unto themselves.
²
Whatever the faults of Mr. Gibson, so long prime minister of Kalakaua, he was an able man, and his only public crime was his loyalty to his king. And it was for this reason that he, and his son-in-law, Mr. Fred H. Hayselden of Lanai, were seized by a mob composed of the"missionary party" armed with rifles, and marched down the public streets to the wharves;
not an atom of respect being shown to the gray hairs of the old man who had occupied for years the highest position in the king's cabinet. Who was the man, and where is he now, who knocked off the hat, and struck the loyal old man, as he silently accepted his changed position?

So these two citizens were forced along into a small structure on the wharf, where hung two ropes with nooses already prepared, and a man of widely known missionary ancestry, led the outcry, vociferating loudly and lustily,"Hang them! Hang them!" Could it be possible, I thought, that a son of one of my early instructors, the child of such a lovely and amiable Christian mother, could so far forget the spirit of that religion his parents taught, and be so carried away with political passion, as to be guilty of murder?

Yet he was not the only one, by any means, who seemed to have forgotten those principles of our Lord, to teach which their parents had come to our shores. For while this was going on in the city, another missionary boy rode out to the country residence of Mr. Gibson, at Kapiolani Park, and entering abruptly into the presence of his daughter, Mrs. Hayselden, threw a lasso over her head, as though the gentle woman had been a wild animal, and avowed his intention of dragging her into town. While he held her, those with him searched the house, hoping that they might discover arms or some other evidence by which Mr. Gibson and the members of his family could be convicted and hung, but they were disappointed. After subjecting her to this brutality, which she bore most bravely, the ruffians left her to await the return from Honolulu of her natural protectors. But, alas! instead of their presence, what sorrow was to be hers! She received news of the manner in which they had been treated, and how doubtful it was whether they would ever be allowed to meet again this side of the grave; for after keeping their victims some days in terror of life, on the fifth day of July, 1887, the two men, against whom no charge, political nor criminal, was ever made, were placed on board a sailing-vessel and landed at San Francisco. The treatment received was too much for the elder sufferer; and although the conspirators had not directly assassinated him, he died soon after. His son returned to Hawaii, and became sheriff of Lanai during my reign. He was one of the first persons selected for dismissal by the present government; he had taken no part in public manifestations, but was informed by the attorney-general, Mr. W. O. Smith, that he was removed from office,"simply because you are a friend of the queen."

1
See Appendix A.

1
Chosen among five conspirators by lot to murder Kalakaua, he became horrified, and refused to act.

2
See first part of Appendix B.