Hawaii's Story by Hawaii's Queen (32 page)

It required diplomacy to overthrow the Wilcox cabinet, and the liberals used it. The cabinet felt secure because those who worked amongst the members as wire-pullers were so sanguine about their success; but where corruption is practised there is no stability, and such it proved in this instance. A short time before the overthrow of the Wilcox cabinet, Cummins, Bush, R. W. Wilcox, Ashford, and their followers, finding that their hopes of being in the cabinet would never be realized, left, and turned to help the liberals once more, and with the aid of some of the nationals they were successful. These members had been deceived by the Thurston party, and they now combined to help the liberals.

Mr. White was the introducer of the bill providing for a constitutional convention; also the opium and lottery bills. He watched his opportunity, and railroaded the last two bills through the House; but he failed in regard to the first bill. A vote of want of confidence was then brought in. The liberals won; and the cabinet was voted out, partly because they were so sure of their success and on account of their own corrupt practices.

The next day Messrs. Parker, Cornwell, Colburn, and Peterson were appointed. These gentlemen were accepted by the majority of the people in the House, who applauded them on their entrance, because they were men of liberal views, although they were not considered representative men, because they were not backed by moneyed men. The same day of their appointment they advised me to sign the opium and lottery bills. I first declined, as I wanted to please my lady friends; but they said there should be no hesitation on my part, as the House had passed those bills by a large majority, and they had been signed by the president and committee. I had no option but to sign. It took place on the 13th of January, 1893.

During the month of November, 1892, a private note was sent me informing me of the intentions of the American minister, J. L. Stevens, with the aid of some of our residents, to perfect a scheme of annexation, and that the cabinet had knowledge of the fact; but I gave little heed to it at the time. On the 17th of December, 1892, another note was received, of which the following is a copy :

H
ER
M
AJESTY
Q
UEEN
L
ILIUOKALANI.

May it please Your Majesty :

Madam
, — Referring to the confidential communication I took the liberty of addressing Your Majesty a few weeks ago, about the attitude and utterances of the American representatives here, the perfect correctness of which have been confirmed by subsequent information, I now beg to be allowed to state, that through the same trustworthy source I have been informed that in a very late moment of effusion, some American official gave to understand that he had instructions to press and hurry up an annexation scheme, which he confidently expected to carry through at no distant date, with the help and assistance of the present cabinet.

If Your Majesty will kindly weigh this information by the side of the bold open declarations and annexation campaign made at the present time in the
Bulletin
by the Rev. Sereno Bishop, the well-known mouthpiece of the annexation party, I think that Your Majesty will be able to draw conclusions for yourself, and realize that there is not only danger ahead, but
that the enemy is in the household, and that the strictest watch ought to be kept on the members of the present cabinet.

This again in strictest confidence from

Your Majesty's humble and faithful servant,

This was written by a gentleman in whose word I have great confidence as a man who had the best interest of Hawaii at heart. It was on the receipt of this note that I sent for the British commissioner, James H. Wodehouse, and asked his advice on the matter. I asked whether he thought it would be wise for me to invite all the foreign representatives of the diplomatic and consular corps, fearing that a disturbance might arise over the political situation. He said that he should not interfere with our local matters, and he dissuaded me from the idea, as he said it was like acknowledging that there was actual danger; and asked," Did I think there was any danger?" I answered, "There might be."

The morning of the 14th of January, 1893, arrived with all preparations for the closing of the legislature. At 10
A.M.
I called a cabinet meeting for the purpose of apprising them of their positions in the House, and other preliminary instructions. I told them it was my intention to promulgate a new constitution. The cabinet had to meet the legislature, and we adjourned. At 12
m
. I prorogued the legislature. I noticed that the hall was not filled as at the opening. There were many ladies present in the audience, and I also noticed that several members of the legislature belonging to the reform party were not there. This looked ominous of some coming trouble.

On entering the palace I saw Mr. Wilson at the entrance of the Blue Room. I went up to him, and asked if it was all ready. He replied, "Yes." Then I said, "You will have to be brave to-day;" and I passed into the Blue Room, and sat awaiting my ministers. A half-hour passed, and they did not come. After a little longer delay they arrived. I immediately judged from their countenances that something was wrong. I had a few days before planned that I would sign the constitution in the throne-room and in the presence of the members of the legislature, the majority of whom had been elected by the people for the purpose of working for a new constitution.

At the commencement of my reign petitions were sent from all parts of the kingdom asking for a new constitution. Mr. Iosepa of Hani, Kauhi of Ewa, Nahinu of Molokai, Kanealii of Waihee, Kamauoha of Kohala, and other members came to me repeatedly, and asked for a new constitution. Mr. Parker, from the commencement of his ministry, advocated a new constitution, as well as most of my friends, but I was cautious in my answers to them; but to Mr. Parker I had always said it would be a good thing, and he said he would sustain me when the proper opportunity arrived.

A month later I met two members of the legislature, and started to make up a new constitution from Kamehameha V.'s and that of 1887. After completing it, I kept it until the month of October, when I placed it in the hands of Mr. A. P. Peterson, and asked him to correct, it, and if he found any defects to strike them out, and to put in such clauses as he thought would be good for the people and for the country. He took it, and kept it a whole month. To my knowledge he consulted many lawyers and others in regard to many points of interest in the document. When it was returned I looked it over and found no changes had been made, so I concluded that it was all right. A week before the closing of the legislature I asked Mr. Peterson to make a preamble for my new constitution, but up to the day of prorogation he had not made one.

Early in January I mentioned to Captain Nowlein of the Household Guards, and Mr. Wilson the marshal, my intention to promulgate a new constitution, and to prepare themselves to quell any riot or outbreak from the opposition. They assured me they would be ready; and I gave strict injunctions of secrecy, and showed Mr. Wilson a plan of the throne-room on the day of the signing. Mr. Parker and Mr. Cornwell had given me assurances of their support before their appointment as ministers, while Mr. Peterson understood that such was my intention, and although I had not mentioned it to Mr. Colburn, he had heard of it already from Mr. Peterson. It appears that immediately on their learning of my intentions, Mr, Colburn, on the morning of the 14th of January, immediately acted the part of a traitor, by going to Mr. Hartwell, a lawyer, and informing him of my intentions, and of course received instructions from him to strongly advise me to abandon the idea.

This, then, was the cause of the delay and my long waiting in the Blue Room. The members of the diplomatic corps had been invited, also the members of the supreme bench and members of the legislature, besides a committee of the Hui Kalaiaina. The latter were invited to be present because it was through them that many petitions had been sent to me. When the ministers arrived I told them everything in the throne-room was ready, and the guests were awaiting our presence; that we must not keep them waiting. I was surprised when the cabinet informed me that they did not think it advisable for me to take such a step, that there was danger of an uprising, etc. I told them I would not have taken such a step if they had not encouraged me. They had led me out to the edge of a precipice, and now were leaving me to take the step alone. It was humiliating. I said, "Why not give the people the constitution, and I will bear the brunt of all the blame afterwards." Mr. Peterson said, "We have not read the constitution." I told him
he had had it in his possession a whole? nonth.

The three ministers left Mr. Parker to try to dissuade me from my purpose; and in the meantime they all (Peterson, Cornwell, and Colburn) went to the government building to inform Thurston and his party of the stand I took. Of course they were instructed not to yield. When they went over everything was peaceful and quiet, and the guests waiting patiently in the throne-room. The ministers returned, and I asked them to read the constitution over. At the end I asked them what they saw injurious in the document. Mr. Peterson said there were some points which he thought were not exactly suited. I told him the legislature could make the amendments. He begged that I should wait for two weeks; in the meantime they would be ready to present it to me. With these assurances I yielded, and we adjourned to the throne-room.

I stated to the guests present my reasons for inviting their presence. It was to promulgate a new constitution at the request of my people; that the constitution of 1887 was imperfect and full of defects. Turning to the chief justice, I asked, "Is it not so, Mr. Judd?" and he answered in the affirmative, in the presence of all the members assembled.

I then informed the people assembled that under the advice of my ministers I had yielded, as they had promised that on some future day I could give them a new constitution. I then asked them to return to their homes and keep the peace. Everything seemed quiet until Monday morning. Even if any great commotion had been going on I would have remained indifferent; the reaction was a great strain, and all that took place after that I accepted as a matter of course. It was the disappointment in my ministry.

At about ten
A.M.
,
Monday, the 16th of January, notice was issued by my ministers, stating "that the position I took and the attempt I made to promulgate a new constitution was at the earnest solicitation of my people — of my native subjects." They gave assurances that any changes desired in fundamental law of the land would be sought only by methods provided in the constitution itself, and signed by myself and ministers. It was intended to reassure the people that they might continue to maintain order and peace.

At about five
P.M.
,
however, the troops from the United States ship Boston were landed, by the order of the United States minister, J. L. Stevens, in secret understanding with the revolutionary party, whose names are L. A. Thurston, Henry Waterhouse, W. R. Castle, W. O. Smith, A. F. Judd, P. C. Jones, W. C. Wilder, S. B. Dole, Cecil Brown, S. M. Damon, C. Bolte, John Emmeluth, J. H. Soper, C. L. Carter. Why had they landed when everything was at peace? I was told that it was for the safety of American citizens and the protection of their interests. Then, why had they not gone to the residences, instead of drawing in line in front of the palace gates, with guns pointed at us, and when I was living with my people in the palace?

Tuesday morning, at nine o'clock, Mr. S. M. Damon called at the palace. He told me that he had been asked to join a revolutionary council, but that he had declined. He asked me what he should do, and whether he should join the advisory or executive council, suggesting that perhaps he could be of service to me; so I told him to join the advisory council. I had no idea that they intended to establish a new government.

At about two-thirty
P.M
., Tuesday, the establishment of the Provisional Government was proclaimed; and nearly fifteen minutes later Mr. J. S. Walker came and told me "that he had come on a painful duty, that the opposition party had requested that I should abdicate." I told him that I had no idea of doing so, but that I would like to see Mr. Neumann. Half an hour later he returned with that gentleman, and I explained to him my position, and he advised that I should consult my friends. I immediately sent for Messrs. J. O. Carter, Damon, Widemann, Cleghorn, my ministers; Messrs. Neumann, Walker, and Macfarlane also being present. The situation being taken into consideration, it was found that, since the troops of the United States had been landed to support the revolutionists, by the order of the American minister, it would be impossible for us to make any resistance.