Henri II: His Court and Times (36 page)

The branch of the Chabot family to which Jarnac belonged
was not overburdened with wealth, but his father had married
en secondes noces
Madeleine de Pontguyon, a considerable
heiress; and, as Jarnac was very attentive to his step-mother,
and the latter was an extremely generous woman, the young
man was enabled to maintain an excellent appearance at
Court and was noted for the elegance and richness of his
dress.

One day, at Compiegne, the Dauphin happened to remark,
rather brusquely, to Jarnac, "How comes it, Guichot, that you
are able to make so brave a show with the revenues which
you have, for I know they are not extensive?" Jarnac, somewhat
embarrassed by the question, replied that his step-mother
"kept" him and gave him everything he required. The
remark was a perfectly innocent one, but it was deliberately
misconstrued in the most cruel manner, and a day or two
later Jarnac learned that it was reported all over the Court
that he had boasted of having received the favours of his stepmother.

The young man's horror and indignation at so atrocious
an accusation can be imagined. After publicly declaring
that whoever had asserted or wished to maintain anything
of the kind was "a malicious villain and had wickedly
lied," he rushed off to his father's Château and, throwing
himself on his knees before the old nobleman, protested in
the most passionate terms against the criminal interpretation
which had been put upon his words. Then, having succeeded
in convincing his father of his innocence, he returned to
the Court, burning to avenge the injury which had been
done him.

The Dauphin found himself in an exceedingly embarrassing
position. Though he is generally accused of being the author
of the calumny, it seems more probable that the culprit was
Diane de Poitiers, to whom Jarnac's words had doubtless been
repeated, and who had seen in them an excellent opportunity
of humiliating Madame d'Étampes through her brother-in-law,
and that the prince felt unable to disclaim the responsibility.
However that may be, now that Jarnac had publicly denied
the accusation, it was impossible for him to ignore the matter,
and, unless some one came forward to take the quarrel upon
himself, he would play a most humiliating role, since his rank,
of course, prevented him from maintaining his cause with his
sword.

It was at this moment that La Châtaigneraie intervened.
La Châtaigneraie had until now been on very friendly terms
with Jarnac, with whom he had served in several campaigns,
but he was not the kind of man to allow friendship or honour
or such a small thing as a woman's reputation to stand in the
way of his interests; and he foresaw that, by rescuing his
future sovereign from the cruel predicament in which he was
placed, he would establish claims on his gratitude which it
would be impossible for him to overlook.

He therefore now came forward and publicly declared that
he was prepared to answer Jarnac, "since it was to himself,
and to himself alone, that Guichot had cynically boasted of
the culpable conduct which he had thought proper to deny
later."

The affair might, of course, have been settled by an ordinary
duel, but both Jarnac and La Châtaigneraie, for different
reasons, desired to invest their encounter with as much
publicity as possible, and accordingly applied to the King to
permit a judicial combat. During the past half-century duels
of this kind, which could not take place without the authorisation of the Sovereign, had been very rarely resorted to, but
they still remained part of the feudal tradition and public law
of the kingdom. François I submitted their request to the
Privy Council, where the affair was debated at some length.
Finally, his Majesty, at the instigation of Madame d'Étampes, who represented
that to authorise the duel would be to condemn her brother-in-law to almost certain death, since he was
no match for so redoubtable a
bretteur
as La Châtaigneraie,
refused his consent, saying that "princes ought not to sanction such a combat, the issue of which could bring no profit
to the kingdom." Moreover, he formally forbade the two
adversaries to fight at all, and threatened them with the most
severe punishment should they disobey his command. And
there the matter remained until François's death, some two
years later.

No sooner, however, had Henri II ascended the throne than
La Châtaigneraie repeated his demand, and addressed to the
new King the following letter:

Some days later, La Châtaigneraie wrote to his Majesty a
second letter:

On learning of the step which his enemy had taken, Jarnac
lost no time in accepting the challenge, and wrote to Henri II
as follows:

At the same time, he wrote to the Bishop of Béziers, who
was high in favour with Henri II, to beg him to support his
demand, assuring his lordship that "he intended to attest by
his bravery the good sustenance he had received from the late
King and his present Sovereign, and to stop La Châtaigneraie's
lying mouth with his sword."

Jarnac's two letters were in due course laid before La
Châtaigneraie, who thereupon launched another cartel:

The matter was submitted to the Privy Council, and at the
end of May 1547 Jarnac and La Châtaigneraie were informed
that, since there was no other way of settling the difference
between them, the King had been graciously pleased to accede
to their request; and letters patent were issued directing the
pursuer and pursued to present themselves at Saint-Germain-en-Laye on the following July 10 "for the verification of
their honour."

Jarnac, being the person challenged, had the right to choice
of arms. By the laws of the judicial duel, the "
assailli
" was
permitted to decide whether the combat should be on horse-back or on foot and to demand whatever arms, both offensive
and defensive, he considered would afford him the best
prospect of success; and to these the "
assaillant
" was bound
to agree, unless the judges of the lists upheld his objections.
Jarnac at first resolved to fight on horseback, and proceeded
to furnish his opponent, according to custom, with a long list
of the kind of horses, saddles, lances, and so forth, with which
he would be required to provide himself; but afterwards he
changed his mind and decided to trust to his sword. On the
advice of a celebrated Italian fencing-master, named Caize,
with whom he practised assiduously, he demanded the heavy
weapons and cumbersome armour used in combats of this
kind a century earlier: long, heavy two-edged swords, with
cross-hilts and
pas d'âne
, two daggers — a long one, which was
to be attached to the thigh, and a short one, which was to
be placed in the boot — coats of mail, a huge shield of polished
steel, with a long and very sharp spike at the top, stiff iron
gauntlets, and
brassards
, or arm-pieces, without joints, which
kept the arm extended and stiff. The helmets were of modern
make, and no mention is made of either cuishes or greves,
which were apparently considered too heavy for a combat on
foot in the height of summer.

The reasons for Jarnac's choice of the arms of a bygone age
were as follows:

In the assault on Coni, in the last Italian campaign, La
Châtaigneraie had been wounded in the right arm, and had
never quite regained the free use of it; therefore, the heavy
swords, the iron gauntlets, and particularly the
brassards
, were
all calculated to hamper the movements of the wounded limb;
while the
brassards
would likewise make it very difficult for
him to get a firm grip of his adversary, should he close with
him and endeavour to throw him. The two daggers were
a provision against such an eventuality, since it would be
scarcely possible for La Châtaigneraie, after he had thrown
Jarnac down, to prevent him drawing one or other of them.
As for the huge shield, that would naturally be of advantage
to the weaker combatant, who must perforce remain on the
defensive, until some mistake on the part of his opponent
afforded him an opening; while its polished surface would
cause La Châtaigneraie's sword to slip.

The confidence of that personage passed all bounds. "He
feared his enemy no more than a lion does a dog,"
⁰⁶
and, intoxicated by the sensation which the affair was causing,
strutted about, boasting of his prowess and talking of the
encounter as a foregone conclusion. To celebrate his anticipated
triumph, he ordered a magnificent banquet, which was
to take place in his own tent on the field of battle, and to
which he invited the whole Court, as to a marriage-feast.
"The extravagance and braggadocio in which he indulged,"
writes Montluc, "were highly reprehensible. He treated the
Church and the Mass very lightly before the combat, and took
but little care to pray to God and call Him to his aid."
⁰⁷

Very different was the behaviour of the adversary whom he
so much despised. "As for Jarnac, he did nothing but
frequent the churches, the monasteries, and the convents,
praying himself, getting others to pray for him, and receiving
the Sacrament, which he did upon the day of the combat, after
having heard Mass very devoutly."
⁰⁸

Although the great majority of the Court was naturally on
the side of La Châtaigneraie, for whom Henri II made no
secret of his sympathies, Jarnac was not without friends, particularly among the provincial nobility, who regarded him as
representing the principle of family honour, while the arrogance of his opponent had disgusted many. The Bourbon
princes, out of hostility to the Guises, openly proclaimed
themselves his supporters, and when it was announced that
François de Guise was to be La Châtaigneraie's second, the
Duc de Vendôme asked the King's permission to act in the
same capacity for Jarnac. His request was refused, whereupon,
indignant at such open partiality, he abruptly withdrew
from the royal presence, followed by the other Princes of the
Blood. The Constable, who had learned that, in the event of
his victory, La Châtaigneraie was to be rewarded with the post
of Colonel-General of Infantry, which he intended for his
nephew Gaspard de Coligny, also favoured Jarnac, and was
only prevented from offering himself as his second by the fact
that his official position necessitated him acting as principal
judge of the combat. He, however, charged his friend, the
Grand Equerry, Boisy, to fill the position.
⁰⁹

Henri II had decided to assist at the duel with his whole
Court, and a few days before the date fixed he proceeded to
Saint-Germain-en-Laye. The arrangements were carried out
under the supervision of the Constable, who selected for the
field of battle a meadow situated on the eastern side of the
Château. Here a space was marked out, twenty-four yards
long and forty broad, and enclosed within a double line of
barriers. Parallel with the barriers, stands for the accommodation of the Court and the nobility were erected, the
King's tribune being in the centre. Near the King's tribune
were those of the Constable and the Marshals of France, who
were to officiate as judges of the combat. Beneath the royal
tribune was a table covered with a cloth of gold, on which
were a missal, a crucifix, and a
Te igitur
. To the right and
left of the King, at the two extremities of the lists, were the
tents of the two champions; the towers of the pursuivants-at-arms occupied the four corners of the enclosure.
¹⁰

The eventful day arrived — a glorious midsummer morning.
From early dawn an enormous crowd from the capital and
all the country round, attracted by curiosity and the magnificent
weather, began to pour into Saint-Germain. All Paris,
we are told, seemed to be there, "an endless array of people
of all sorts — students, artisans, and vagabonds — all anxious to
enjoy the pastime,"
¹¹
and the archers of the Guard, to whom
fell the task of preserving order, had all their work cut out
to prevent the crowd from breaking through the barricades
and invading the field of battle. Shortly before six o'clock,
the King arrived, accompanied by his sister, Madame
Marguerite, afterwards Duchess of Savoy, Diane de Poitiers, the
Prince de la Roche-sur-Yon — the only one of the Princes of the
Blood who was present — the Constable, the Grand Equerry, the
Duc d'Aumale, the Maréchaux de Saint-André and de Sedan
[Robert de la Marck], Brissac, Tavannes, Montluc, Vieilleville,
and many other nobles and ladies, all most gorgeously attired.
The stands and royal tribune were sumptuously upholstered
and decorated; the tents of the combatants were gay with
flags and streamers, and an onlooker might have imagined
himself at some splendid fete or Court ceremony, had it not
been for the presence of five sinister-looking individuals, who
stood with ropes in their hands beneath the Constable's
tribune. They were the executioner and his assistants, to
whose charge the corpse of the vanquished would be committed for conveyance to the gibbet, in the event of either
of the combatants being slain.