Kennedy: The Classic Biography (28 page)

The attempt to disparage this victory, so successful in Wisconsin, was unsuccessful in West Virginia. Liberal analyst Louis Bean, the same man who in 1956 attacked the Bailey Memorandum on the grounds that there was no Catholic vote, issued a purported analysis of the results which said there was indeed a Catholic vote in 95 percent Protestant West Virginia and it was responsible for Kennedy’s landslide victory. The
Christian Science Monitor
thought it significant that Kennedy had carried by a large margin a county which was only 70 percent Protestant. But little attention was paid to this kind of obvious bias. Instead, Kennedy was charged with winning with purchased votes. Several newspapers, the supporters of other Democratic candidates and the Republican Department of Justice all combed West Virginia for proof of irregularities. They found, as was customary in West Virginia, some vote-buying for local candidates and slates; and Kennedy campaign money may well have been diverted to this use. But no evidence could be found of Kennedy’s “buying” popular votes, for none had ever existed. “We sent two of our best men out,” wrote the editor of the Charleston
Gazette.
“They spent three to four weeks checking. Kennedy did not buy that election. He sold himself to the voters.”

To be sure, the number of would-be adversaries who were publicly accusing Kennedy of illegal expenditures and other improprieties that spring (the wealthy supporter of one of his lesser competitors put a private detective on his trail) was nearly matched by the number of would-be friends who were privately asking for them. One self-appointed go-between was certain he could deliver the votes of a Southern delegation but wanted to talk to the Senator’s father about their “transportation difficulties.” A promoter suggested that $150,000 worth of subscriptions would ensure the support of a certain publisher. Another suggested we win the farm vote by purchasing a struggling farm newspaper. A veterans’ convention was also offered “for sale” by a promoter who neither owned it nor influenced it. Needless to say, the Senator was not interested in any of these offers. He had heard similar offers in Massachusetts politics and had rejected them all.

THE WRAP-UP

The Senator’s victory in West Virginia was the signal for both pro-Kennedy and anti-Kennedy delegates to come out of hiding. Those who had counted on his losing either Wisconsin or West Virginia promptly dismissed all primaries as meaningless. Those who had hesitated to endorse him for fear of a Humphrey victory eagerly rallied to his banner. In New York, for example, DeSapio disclosed that more than a majority of that 114-vote delegation was for Kennedy.

The Senator continued his nonstop campaigning in the primaries, but the results were no longer uncertain. “There isn’t any doubt in my mind,” Kennedy told West Virginians that fall, “that West Virginia really nominated the Democratic Presidential candidate.” In Nebraska, on the same day as the West Virginia primary, he secured the largest Democratic vote since Roosevelt’s 1940 record and most of the delegates as well (though, as in West Virginia, they were not bound by the primary). A week earlier in Indiana, and in impressive spontaneous write-in showings in Illinois and particularly in Pennsylvania (he did not campaign in either primary), he continued to startle the “bosses” with his popular appeal. In Maryland, one week after West Virginia, he overwhelmed Wayne Morse with a nearly 4-1 margin.

Oregon, the final primary, was important. That state’s model primary law not only automatically entered all Presidential candidates but bound its delegation to the winner until either he released them or his total convention vote dropped below a specified level.
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This unusual state statute meant that Kennedy faced not only popular favorite son Morse, whom many had picked to win, and familiar foe Humphrey, whose name remained on the ballot. He also, at last, faced both Symington and Johnson, who had refused to campaign though their names had been entered. Stevenson’s name was not entered only because he filed an affidavit swearing “I am not now and do not intend to become a candidate for President…”—an affidavit which had a prominent place in our file on “other candidates” (along with such other choice items as Humphrey’s record on McCarthy, Nixon’s Senate votes against civil rights and a 1959 Lyndon Johnson letter which boasted of his support of the Taft-Hartley Bill).

One week before the Oregon vote, former President Truman, who had campaigned in the primaries in 1948, publicly blasted all primaries and endorsed Symington. All he had against Kennedy, he said, was the latter’s residence in Massachusetts—to which Kennedy replied, “I have news for Mr. Truman. Mr. Symington was born in Massachusetts.”

The religious issue was also raised briefly when the Vatican newspaper
L’Osservatore Romano
told Catholics that the church “has the duty and the right” to tell them how to vote. Vatican “sources” were reported as stating that the editorial applied to Americans as well as others, although it was believed to be aimed at Communist candidates, particularly in Italy. The Senator issued a statement that his support of church-state separation “is not subject to change under any conditions.” Privately he remarked, “Now I understand why Henry VIII set up his own church,” and once again he wondered whether the statement had been deliberately timed to harm his prospects.

In other respects the campaign was smooth. Kennedy’s Oregon organization drew from all the state’s many Democratic factions. And in the end he polled more votes than all the other candidates combined.

The primaries were over, but not Kennedy’s preconvention campaign. He still hoped to reduce the number of other candidates monopolizing first-ballot votes. He had an inconclusive meeting with Stevenson, who still talked of a dark-horse liberal, still dreamed of his own election and, according to our intelligence agents, had said of Kennedy to one Democrat, “If only he had ten more years.” Kennedy had both private and public meetings with Hubert Humphrey, for whom he had never lost his respect and affection despite two bitter and heated campaigns. He tried in vain—as I had in an earlier meeting—to convince New Jersey’s Governor Meyner that springtime was the time for Meyner to join the Kennedy team, which would surely be looking for talented friends to join its Washington team when Meyner’s governorship ended. Kennedy aides also talked with Governors Pat Brown in California, Herschel Loveless in Iowa and George Docking in Kansas.

The most successful effort was with Michigan’s Governor Mennen Williams. In the midst of the West Virginia contest, I had attended the Michigan State Democratic Convention. With the sympathetic help of Senator Philip Hart, UAW leader Leonard Woodcock and National Committeewoman Mildred Jeffrey, I obtained a postmidnight conference with the state’s Democratic leadership and a morning audience with Governor and Mrs. Williams. I answered a rough series of questions on Kennedy’s liberalism, executive ability, financial interests, campaign expenditures, civil rights stand, foreign policy and devotion to new ideas. I denied rumors about vote-buying and wiretapping in West Virginia, gave assurances that Michigan would be represented in the highest councils of the campaign and committed the Senator to answering in writing a forty-one-part questionnaire covering his views on all national issues from automation to youth.

Michigan newspaper polls already showed Kennedy with more voter support than all other Democratic candidates combined, and the state Democratic ticket needed this kind of help, they knew, in 1960. Once Humphrey (and Williams himself) were no longer contenders, and the issue was posed as Kennedy vs. Symington or Johnson, Michigan Democrats were sufficiently realistic to know that the latter two (for whom they were not enthusiastic) would be aided by either a Stevenson endorsement or a delay; and that an appreciative and victorious Kennedy was more likely to make use of Williams’ talent for public service than an unappreciative Kennedy or a nonvictorious Stevenson. On June 2, following a Kennedy visit to the Governor’s summer home on Mackinac Island, Williams ringingly endorsed Kennedy—and 42 more votes out of Michigan’s 51 were added to the Kennedy total.

In the midst of his travels, the Senator also found time for a major foreign policy address on the Senate floor. The downing of an American U-2 “spy plane” over the Soviet Union and the consequent break-up of the Paris Summit Conference had raised new fears about world peace, and about Kennedy’s age and experience. Before a shopping-center crowd in Eugene, Oregon, he told a questioner that instead of the series of false, contradictory and then overly frank statements the administration had issued before suspending the flights, he would have been willing to cool the crisis by expressing “regret that the flight did take place…regret at the timing and give assurances that it would not happen again…. A week before the summit…was obviously the wrong time…. Every time we go up in a plane…it may come down sooner than we thought. The maintenance of peace…should not hang on the constant possibility of engine failure.” His words were promptly distorted into a “suspicion of appeasement” by Republican Senator Scott of Pennsylvania, backed by Senator Dirksen of Illinois. He was attacked as “naive” by Vice President Nixon. And Lyndon Johnson, now campaigning more openly, shouted to each audience as a part of his speech: “I am not prepared to apologize to Mr. Khrushchev—are you?”

Kennedy’s Senate floor speech on June 14 ignored these critics and dealt comprehensively with America’s foreign policy agenda. One of those assisting with the first draft was Congressman Chester Bowles of Connecticut, who earlier in the year had been publicly entitled Kennedy’s “foreign policy adviser.” As a Connecticut Democrat, Bowles’s endorsement meant comparatively little. But as a symbol to liberals in Wisconsin, Michigan, Minnesota, California and New York, his prominent role in the preconvention campaign was important. It had required, as a preliminary to his final meeting and exchange of letters with the Senator, a long winter afternoon’s conversation with me at the Yale Club in New York. He told me of his own potential following for the Presidency, his chances for the Cabinet under other candidates, his unwillingness to campaign against Humphrey, and his hope that Kennedy, if unable to win a convention majority, might throw all his support behind him.

Finally, after flying trips to the Dakotas, Montana, Colorado and Iowa, and several to New York, the Senator could rest. He had decided not to give an image-building lecture in England. He still had his share of detractors—both Southerners and Negroes were criticizing him on civil rights, and both Hoffa and leading industrialists were attacking his labor reform bill. And he still had strong and active competitors—particularly Symington and Johnson, whose efforts have been necessarily unreported in these pages but were still powerful that June. For they, too, had likable families, extensive financial resources, appealing personalities, considerable ability and shrewd public relations. They won no popularity polls, but they were favored at the outset by most of the best-known “pols.” They did not risk a single primary and had no fears of overexposure with the voters. Without declaring their candidacies, they had made their views known and their names available. Without formally collaborating to stop Kennedy (which would have required one to defer to the other), their supporters nevertheless could and often did approach state bosses and conventions in harmony. Their strategy seemingly had every desirable characteristic—save success.

This was primarily because Kennedy never faltered. He wooed those few leaders who could deliver other delegates. But where they couldn’t or wouldn’t, he wooed individual, independent delegates, recognizing that most delegates are no longer deliverable. He set new patterns for Presidential campaigning, and those accustomed to the old ways had to admire him. “He outsmarted all the pros,” said Carmine DeSapio. “If he had ever stumbled just once, the wolves would have closed in on him.” But the pros had underestimated Kennedy while overestimating themselves.

He had during 1960 alone traveled some 65,000 air miles in more than two dozen states—many of them in the midst of crucial primary fights, most of them with his wife—and he had made some 350 speeches on every conceivable subject. He had voted, introduced bills or spoken on every current issue, without retractions or apologies. He had talked in person to state conventions, party leaders, delegates and tens of thousands of voters. He had used every spare moment on the telephone. He had made no promises he could not keep and promised no jobs to anyone. He had commissioned dozens of private polls. He had appealed to the Humphrey delegates and made his peace with Humphrey. He had authorized a letter from his most liberal supporters urging all Stevenson backers to join them. He had answered all questions about his religion, demonstrated his executive skill in organization and shown forthright courage on controversial legislative issues. Said Stuart Symington after the convention, “He had just a little more courage…stamina, wisdom and character than any of the rest of us.” He also had, more than most men, the will to win.

If no one else had run in the primaries, or if Stevenson had run in Oregon, or if Symington had run in Indiana, or if Johnson had run in West Virginia, or if Humphrey had lost Wisconsin’s Second District and not run in West Virginia, or if DiSalle had not yielded in Ohio, or if Pat Brown had forced him to run in California, or if Dilworth had been Governor of Pennsylvania, or if Johnson had gone all out for Symington, Kennedy might already have been counted out. Instead, it was with “High Hopes” (the title of a Frank Sinatra-sung campaign song used in the primaries) that he sought ten days of rest at Cape Cod before flying to the Los Angeles Convention. He was tired, almost haggard, but as his father remarked, “He would be a lot more tired if he’d lost.”

TRUMAN AND THE YOUTH ISSUE

His rest was disturbed, however, by a blast on July 2 from Harry Truman. In a nationally televised press conference, Truman, who had similarly denounced Stevenson at the 1956 convention, repeated his endorsement of Symington, added one for Johnson and, for good measure, tossed in the names of Bowles, Meyner and six others he hoped to stir up. (Stevenson’s name was omitted.) In bitter terms he attacked the convention as a “prearranged…mockery…controlled…by one candidate,” and he attacked Kennedy’s “overzealous backers” for pressuring and stampeding delegates. Privately, Truman had been reported by more than one Democrat as opposing a Catholic nominee. Now he publicly, though by implication only, raised the issue of Kennedy’s religion as well as his experience, forgetting that he had entered the White House with far less Washington experience: