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Authors: Malachi Martin

Keys of This Blood

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The Keys of This Blood

 

Books by Malachi Martin

THE SCRIBAL CHARACTER OF THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS

THE PILGRIM
(under the pseudonym Michael Serafian)

THE ENCOUNTER

THREE POPES AND THE CARDINAL

JESUS NOW

THE NEW CASTLE

HOSTAGE TO THE DEVIL

THE FINAL CONCLAVE

KING OF KINGS
(a novel)

THE DECLINE AND FALL OF THE ROMAN CHURCH

THERE IS STILL LOVE

RICH CHURCH, POOR CHURCH

VATICAN
(a novel)

THE JESUITS

THE KEYS OF THIS BLOOD

 

The Keys of This Blood

Pope John Paul II Versus Russia and the West for Control of the New World Order

Malachi Martin

A TOUCHSTONE BOOK
New York  London  Toronto  Sydney

 

Pope John Paul II Versus Russia and the West for Control of the New World Order

TOUCHSTONE
Rockefeller Center 1230 Avenue of the Americas New York, New York, 10020
www.SimonandSchuster.com

Copyright © 1990 by Malachi Martin

All rights reserved
including the right of reproduction
in whole or in part in any form.

First Touchstone Edition 1991

TOUCHSTONE and colophon are registered trademarks
of Simon & Schuster Inc.

Designed by Karolina Harris

Manufactured in the United States of America

            17  18  19  20  Pbk.

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Martin, Malachi.

The Keys of This Blood: Pope John Paul II Versus Russia and the West for Control of the New World Order/Malachi Martin.

p.  cm.

Includes index.

1. John Paul II, Pope, 1920-   .

2. Gorbachev, Mikhail Sergeyevich, 1931-  .

3. Catholic Church and World Politics.

4. World Politics—1985-1995.

I. Title.

BX1368.5.M37  1990

909.82′8—dc20                       90-42369

CIP

ISBN: 0-671-69174-0
ISBN: 0-671-74723-1 Pbk.
ISBN: 978-0-671-74723-7
eISBN: 978-1-439-12764-3

For the Immaculate Heart

Contents

THE SERVANT OF THE GRAND DESIGN

I. THE GEOPOLITICS OF POWER

PART ONE: THE ARENA

1. “Everything Must Change!”

2. Nobody's Pope

3. Into the Arena: Poland

4. The Visible Man

5. The Keys of This Blood

PART TWO: THE LAY OF THE LAND

6. The Morality of Nations:
Whatever Happened to Sinful Structures?

7. The Morality of Nations:
Rich Man, Poor Man …

8. The Morality of Nations:
… Beggarman, Thief

PART THREE: CHAMPIONS OF HAMMER AND SICKLE

9. The Hall of Heroes

10. Karl Marx

11. V. I. Lenin

12. Joseph Stalin

13. Antonio Gramsci: The Haunting of East and West

PART FOUR: CHAMPIONS OF GLOBALISM

14. …with Interdependence and Development
for All

15. The Provincial Globalists

16. The Piggyback Globalists

17. The Genuine Globalists: From Alabama to
Zambia, Let's Hear It for Cornflakes

PART FIVE: SHIFTING GROUND

18. Forces of the “New Order”:
Secularism

19. Forces of the “New Order”:
The Two Models of a Geopolitical House

20. Diplomatic Connivance

21. “Cold-Eyed, I Contemplate the World”

22. “New Thinking”

23. Vatican Summit

24. “New Architecture”

25. The Millennium Endgame

II. THE GEOPOLITICS OF FAITH

PART SIX: THE VISION OF THE SERVANT

26. Polishness and Papacy

27. The Pacts of Polishness

28. The Pacts of Extinction

29. Papal Training Ground: “
Deus Vicit!

30. Papal Training Ground: Under the Sign of
Solidarność

31. The Politics of Faith

32. The Politics of Papacy

33. In the Final Analysis

CODA: THE PROTOCOL OF SALVATION

34. The Judas Complex

35. The Triple Weakness

36. Scenario: The Consistory 685

INDEX

The Servant of the
Grand Design

Willing or not, ready or not, we are all involved in an all-out, no-holds-barred, three-way global competition. Most of us are not competitors, however. We are the stakes. For the competition is about who will establish the first one-world system of government that has ever existed in the society of nations. It is about who will hold and wield the dual power of authority and control over each of us as individuals and over all of us together as a community; over the entire six billion people expected by demographers to inhabit the earth by early in the third millennium.

The competition is all-out because, now that it has started, there is no way it can be reversed or called off.

No holds are barred because, once the competition has been decided, the world and all that's in it—our way of life as individuals and as citizens of the nations; our families and our jobs; our trade and commerce and money; our educational systems and our religions and our cultures; even the badges of our national identity, which most of us have always taken for granted—all will have been powerfully and radically altered forever. No one can be exempted from its effects. No sector of our lives will remain untouched.

The competition began and continues as a three-way affair because that is the number of rivals with sufficient resources to establish and maintain a new world order.

Nobody who is acquainted with the plans of these three rivals has any doubt but that only one of them can win. Each expects the other two to be overwhelmed and swallowed up in the coming maelstrom of change. That being the case, it would appear inescapable that their competition will end up as a confrontation.

As to the time factor involved, those of us who are under seventy will see at least the basic structures of the new world government installed. Those of us under forty will surely live under its legislative, executive and judiciary authority and control. Indeed, the three rivals themselves—and many more besides as time goes on—speak about this new world order not as something around a distant corner of time, but as something that is imminent. As a system that will be introduced and installed in our midst by the end of this final decade of the second millennium.

What these competitors are talking about, then, is the most profound and widespread modification of international, national and local life that the world has seen in a thousand years. And the competition they are engaged in can be described simply enough as the millennium endgame.

Ten years before this competition became manifest to the world at large, the man who was destined to become the first, the most unexpected and, for some at least, the most unwelcome competitor of all in this millennium endgame spoke openly about what he saw down the road even then.

Toward the end of an extended visit to America in 1976, an obscure Polish archbishop from Krakow by the name of Karol Wojtyla stood before an audience in New York City and made one of the most prophetic speeches ever given.

“We are now standing in the face of the greatest historical confrontation humanity has gone through,” he said, “… a test of two thousand years of culture and Christian civilization, with all of its consequences for human dignity, individual rights and the rights of nations.” But, he chided his listeners on that September day, “wide circles of American society and wide circles of the Christian community do not realize this fully….”

Perhaps the world was still too immersed in the old system of nation-states, and in all the old international balance-of-power arrangements, to hear what Wojtyla was saying. Or perhaps Wojtyla himself was reckoned as no more than an isolated figure hailing from an isolated country that had long since been pointedly written out of the global power equation. Or perhaps, after the industrial slaughter of millions of human beings in two world wars and in 180 local wars, and after the endless terrors of nuclear brinksmanship that have marked the progress of the twentieth century, the feeling was simply that one confrontation more or less wasn't going to make much difference.

Whatever the reason, it would seem that no one who heard or later read what Karol Wojtyla said that day had any idea that he was pointing to a competition he already saw on the horizon: a competition between the world's only three internationally based power structures for truly global hegemony.

·   ·   ·

An isolated figure Karol Wojtyla may have been in the fall of 1976—at least for many Westerners. But two years later, in October of 1978, when he emerged from the Sistine Chapel in Rome as Pope John Paul II, the 263rd successor to Peter the Apostle, he was himself the head of the most extensive and deeply experienced of the three global powers that would, within a short time, set about ending the nation system of world politics that has defined human society for over a thousand years.

It is not too much to say, in fact, that the chosen purpose of John Paul's pontificate—the engine that drives his papal grand policy and that determines his day-to-day, year-by-year strategies—is to be the victor in that competition, now well under way. For the fact is that the stakes John Paul has placed in the arena of geopolitical contention include everything—himself; his papal persona; the age-old Petrine Office he now embodies; and his entire Church Universal, both as an institutional organization unparalleled in the world and as a body of believers united by a bond of mystical communion.

The other two contenders in the arena of this “greatest historical confrontation humanity has gone through” are no mean adversaries. Rather, they are the leaders of the two most deeply entrenched secular powers, who stand, in a collective sense, on their record as the authors and the primary actors in the period of history that has been so much the worst of times that the best face we can put on it is to say that we were not swallowed up in the apocalypse of World War III—as if that were the best man could do for his fellowman.

The first of those two powers, the Soviet Union, is now led by John Paul's most interesting adversary and a fellow Slav. Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev was as unexpected and unpredicted a leader in the new world arena as Karol Wojtyla himself. A husky man still in his prime, hailing from the obscure industrial town of Privolnoye in the southwest of Russia, Gorbachev is now what he was groomed to be: Master of the Leninist-Marxist Party-State whose power and standing in the community of nations was built upon seventy years of physical and spiritual fratricide carried out in the name of a purely sociopolitical vision and a thoroughly this-worldly ideology.

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