Letters (26 page)

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Authors: John Barth

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The establishment was the same in which my father was lodging, and where this conversation was taking place: Russecks Tavern, near Church Creek, below Cambridge. The young woman—herself chaste, tho uncommonly worldly for her age—was the same he had been unable to take his eyes off thro this interview as she bustled about the place. More, she was the Nancy Russecks McEvoy aforemention’d, whose family had been lost at sea in the ship
Duldoon
out of Piraeus for Cadiz in 1771. Then only fifteen, she had made her way from Paris to Philadelphia & thence to Maryland to seek her one known relative, her great-uncle Harvey Russecks. In his place she found his daughter (still call’d by her old working name, “Mag the Magnificent,” but by Nancy rechristen’d “Magnanimous Maggie”), who had welcomed her as a grandchild, seen as best she could to her education, protected her from the establishment’s rougher patrons—and gratified, insofar as she was able, the girl’s tireless curiosity about her ancestry. Perhaps Mr. Burlingame could be of assistance in this last? Hither a moment, pretty Nancy…

And so my mother & father meet—he nearly 30, she nearly 20—and their matchmaker withdraws for the present, tho she has one crucial thing more to do for us. And they very soon fall in love, Henry & Nancy, whilst the country goes to war. Colonel Arnold’s plan to move against Ticonderoga has been approved by Massachusetts; but to mollify Connecticut, which is jealous of both Massachusetts & New York, Arnold must yield command of the operation to the “Vermonter” Ethan Allen, who himself would separate New Hampshire from New York even if it means “making this state a British province” (so he assures Governor Haldimand of Canada in secret letters!). Even so, jealous officers in Massachusetts mount an inquiry into Arnold’s “conduct,” about the same time that Ethan Allen is superseded by a rival of his own as commander of the “Green Mountain Boys.” Both men angrily resign their commissions & return to Cambridge, where Burr, having ignored his tutor’s advice and stay’d with Washington, is dying of inaction. All three take up the Canadian campaign—but Allen, under General Montgomery, gets the key assignment of moving from Ticonderoga to take Montreal, whilst Arnold & Burr must take the bitter northern route thro the Maine woods from Castine—named for our 1st
émigré
Baron—to Quebec. (The 3rd crucial thrust, to Niagara thro the Mohawk Valley, is never mounted.)

As A. & B. freeze, Nancy & Henry bask in Chesapeake Indian summer (still call’d Goose-summer then, after the millions of wild geese moving down from Canada as “our” troops move north); they admire the rusty foliage & browning marsh grass, the endless clamoring vees in the limpid sky; they move thro the gossamers named for the season named for the geese and spun delicately out, like their own feelings, from every reed, rope, twig.

Burr & Arnold, reaching Quebec in mid-November with what remains of their company after the ordeal of crossing the Maine wilderness, find the British garrison forewarn’d (not impossibly by Ethan Allen himself), and are obliged to wait in freezing “siege” until Allen & General Montgomery come up victorious from Montreal. There they shiver, starve, & curse—Joel Barlow’s three older brothers amongst them—whilst Barlow himself frets thro his sophomore year at Yale writing mock-heroic couplets on the subject of undergraduate snowball battles—“And
Jove
descends in Magazines of Snow”—& down in the golden marsh my parents come ardently together.

Or would so come! But ’tis
we
who come now to that curse of the male Burlingames I mention’d in my 1st. Andrew Cooke III was a man of normal parts, like myself: Andrée’s insistence that he get her with child ere they marry was no reflection on his manliness, only a kind of test laid on him in view of his age & innocence, which test he lovingly (if slowly) rose to. But my father, like his namesake, was all but memberless—and, alas, had not yet rediscover’d his grandsire’s secret. Here, it may be, is another clue to “Alexis Cuillerier’s” rage against the Fisher child: it is common practice amongst the Indians to dismember male prisoners in the course of torturing them; any males among themselves who happen to have been by nature underendow’d are teased as having been thus captured and tortured—” ’tis well you escaped with your nose & ears,” et cetera—and are further advised, if they have not the womanly nature of a
berdache,
to take a girl-child to wife…

His celibacy at Princeton & Yale, too, we may now take understanding pity on; for while undergraduates in those Puritan longitudes were not given to the wenching of their Oxbridge counterparts, they were normally preoccupied with courtships & flirtations. ’Twas simple shame, my mother told me in later years, drove my father to the excesses that punctuate his life. He had not his namesake’s “cosmophilism”; he wanted only & simply to husband Nancy Russecks McEvoy, and he could not do it, and the frustration very nearly unhinged him. Indeed, not knowing the root of the problem, as ’twere, my mother thot him 1st uncommonly proper, then uncommonly shy, at last uncommonly odd—whether madman or faggot she could not decide. For things had reacht that point betwixt them, by his initiative as much as hers, where “St. Anthony himself would have had a time of it.”

When at last the truth came out, she was immeasurably relieved. “I straightway ask’d him,” she told me, “could he not so much as piss with it? He could, said he, tho his aim was not the best. And had he not, says I, ever had a lusty dream, as young men will, and woken to find his musket fired? Would it were a musket, says he, even a proper pistol; but fire it did, especially of late, in hot dreams of me. Then marry, says I, ’twere strange indeed if such a malady be unknown to the upper storeys of the Russecks Tavern, and the learned doctresses there have no prescription.” So leading him by the hand, off she goes to Mag Mungummory, lets him blush & sweat whilst she lays the problem plainly out, and in 30 minutes has what Henry had not found in as many years. To wit:

…left alone, my Captain straightway set to work upon the eggplant, in the strangest manner I ever did behold. Forsooth, I was that amaz’d, that even some weeks thereafter, here in Jamestown, what time I set to recording this narrative in my Journall-booke, it was no light matter to realize it was true. For had I not observ’d it my owne self, I had never believ’d it to be aught but the lewd construction of some dissolute fancie. Endlesse indeed, and beyond the ken of sober and continent men, are the practices and fowle receipts of those lustfulle persons, the votaries of the flesh, that stille set Venus & Bacchus over chast Minerva, and studie with scholars zeal all the tricks and dark refynements of carnallitie! I blush to committ the thing to paper, even to these the privie pages of my Journall. W
ch
it is my vow, that no man shall lay eyes upon, while that I live…

& cetera. The writer was the 1st Henry Burlingame, his journal the
Privie Journall
of his capture, with Capt. John Smith, by Powhatan’s Indians in 1608. And what that old arch-hypocrite blusht to commit to paper—and forthwith went on so to commit—was the “Mystery of the Sacred Eggplant,” with the aid of which Smith had deflower’d Pocahontas & saved their necks: an encaustic, aphrodisiac decoction of
Nux vomica,
“Zozos,” oil of mallow, & the rest, stuft into a cored aubergine into which, in turn—

But no matter. We have the
Journall:
the “fowle receipt” shall be yours, when & if! Burlingame I made use of it to beget on Pokatawertussan, Queen of the Ahatchwhoops, the Tayac Chicamec (Henry Burlingame II), to whom the
Journall
(and its author’s justified Anglophobia) pass’d. Ebenezer Cooke discover’d its existence during his own Indian captivity at the hands of Chicamec in 1694; Burlingame III resorted to it to engender Andrew Cooke III on Ebenezer’s sister the following year. And then the
Journall
—together with Smith’s
Secret Historie
—disappear’d from sight.

“ ’Twas the dying wish of the whore Joan Toast, Ebenezer Cooke’s wife,” Mag Mungummory explain’d to the lovers, “that the receipt not be made public, lest we poor women be done to death. For what will turn your minnow into a buck-shad, will turn your buck-shad into a shark. Mister Ebenezer was all for destroying it, but his sister takes pity on the Burlingames to come, & on the Anna Cookes that love ’em—which is to say, the likes of Miss Nancy McEvoy! So they give both books to their old friend Mary Mungummory, as the trustiest judge o’ their application; and Mary gives ’em to her Mag; and Mag gives ’em to you.”

She did, and the lovers gratefully retired, with receipt & necessaries, into the gossamer woods. There Jove straightway descended in a shower of golden leaves, and Yours Truly was begot. What’s more, the
rest
of that same
Privie Journall
convinced my father, not only that the 1st Henry Burlingame had turn’d his back upon his English heritage & become an Ahatchwhoop Indian, but that Henry Burlingame III, encountering that record of his grandsire’s conversion, must surely have similarly so turn’d, being half Indian to start with! All hesitation then was purged from his own mind, which had anyhow never misdoubted its tendency, only its tactics: if the Appalachians were to dam the white invasion, either the “Continentals” (as the rebels now call’d themselves) must be supprest, or their “republic” kept weak & hemm’d round by territories of the Crown—especially by the Canadas, the key whereto, as always, was Niagara. And the key to Niagara was the allegiance of the Iroquois…

For all this, my mother’s testimony. She & Father wed on New Year’s Eve day in Old Trinity, the church after which Church Creek is named, and in whose yard a pair of nameless millstones mark the grave of Henry Russecks, Nancy’s grandfather. Whilst their vows are exchanging, Arnold, Burr, Montgomery, & Allen make their belated joint attack on Quebec: a debacle in which Montgomery is kill’d & one of Joel Barlow’s brothers so severely wounded that he dies in the retreat.

It had been my father’s plan to go north early in the spring and try to persuade his friends to reconsider their positions, even perhaps to join him in a different kind of thrust along the Mohawk Valley. But by then I had made my existence known, and both Burr & Arnold (in response to discreetly worded postal inquiries from Church Creek) reaffirm’d their patriotism, tho readily acknowledging their disillusionment & the justice of Father’s earlier cautions.

He linger’d on therefore in lower Dorchester, as I linger now at Castines Hundred; and whilst like you I slept towards birth, he associated himself with the Marshyhope Blues, a militia company charged with protecting the rebel citizenry against Lord Dunmore’s flotilla, then in the Chesapeake; also against the Loyalist “Picaroons” assisting that fleet, and in particular against the depredations of one Joseph Whaland, a rogue who piloted British vessels up the estuaries of the County & made foraging raids with his own boats, which then struck their masts & hid in the labyrinth of the marsh. My father’s actual purpose (Mother said) was to keep this Whaland safely inform’d of the militia’s movements & of the several attempts to intercept him at sea. Shortly thereafter, Joseph Whaland and his picaroon schooner were captured in the lower County, where they had thot themselves perfectly secure.

“Your father was barely able to talk him out of prison,” my trusting mother said.

He was not pleased by the coincidence of my birth (a little premature) and the signing of the Declaration of Independence in Philadelphia. I was duly dubb’d
Andrew Cooke IV
and charged to redeem that name: a great charge, my mother thot, for so delicate a babe.

The truth was, I was not expected to survive. When Washington lost Long Island in August & evacuated New York, my father decided he must tarry no longer: Burr had distinguisht himself in the retreat from Long Island by saving a brigade from capture (young Joel Barlow, on vacation from Yale, was in that brigade), but he had been obliged to disobey his superiors to do it, and they were not pleased. Arnold had had to withdraw from Montreal, so expensively won, and was building a flotilla on Lake Champlain to meet the superior British force there. Guy Johnson (Sir William’s nephew & successor as His Majesty’s Superintendent of Indian Affairs in New York, whom Father had befriended at Castines Hundred) wrote that the Six Nations had so far been successfully bribed into neutrality, but were “spoiling for action.” That their likeliest leader, Johnson’s Mohawk secretary Joseph Brant, was so gone into English scholarship & English religion that nothing could rouse him from his translation into Mohawk of the Book of Common Prayer. The iron was hot, Father declared, and must be struck ere it cool’d: he bade Mother join him at Castines Hundred as soon as she was able, “with or without the child, as fate will have it,” and went on ahead to stir this Joseph Brant to action, whose motives he believed he understood.

Against all odds, Mag Mungummory & her clever company kept me this side of death, even nurst me toward robustness, but we were obliged to remain in Maryland thro the winter. In October Father wrote (in the family cipher, here decipher’d): “B[enedict] A[rnold] has lost, albeit brilliantly & against great numbers, the 1st naval engagement betwixt Crown & Continentals. I am stirring up charges against him of misconduct in Montreal, to incline him uswards.” In January: “A[aron] B[urr]‘s disgust with Washington is dangerously weaken’d by C[ornwallis]‘s defeat at Princeton,
alma mater
to us both and, to B,
pater
as well.” (Burr’s father was its 2nd president.) In March, as we were leaving for the hazardous journey north: “Cannot stir B[rant] from his books. He is much like Yrs Truly of a few years back, discovering his other self, & hates the memory of having fought in ’63 with the renegade Iroquois against Pontiac, whom too late he much admires. His sister Molly is the warrior in the family: B & I are like as twins, she declares, and she urges me to do
in his name
what he will not.”

That name, in Mohawk, was
Thayendanegea.
The deeds associated with it, and their attributions, are a house built on the sands of my mother’s love for & faith in my father, whom she saw thenceforward rarely, and always in equivocal circumstances. Hers was a harder fate than Anna Cooke’s, I think, whose Henry Burlingame never convincingly reappear’d to her. If Father’s letters are to be believed—I mean the letters in his hand, over his initials, which, never doubting them herself, Mother kept at Castines Hundred with the
Journall
& the
Secret Historie
—on my 1st birthday anniversary he assumed the role of “Joseph Brant” to head 500 Senecas & Cayugas in the St. Leger expedition against Fort Stanwix on the Mohawk, a siege not unlike the one of his boyhood. It was a siege soon lifted, not by the battle at Oriskany (which, tho costly to both sides, was indecisive), but by secret agreement between my father & the leader of the Continental relief force sent up after that battle:
“Major General
B[enedict] A[rnold] is still embitter’d that his new commission came so tardily, after the promotion of his juniors & inferiors & so many brave exploits of his own. Only Washington’s personal entreaties keep him in the rebel service. By giving him the victory at Stanwix (at small expense to us), I have put his dunderhead superior in such a passion of jealousy as B will find intolerable—when we shall meet again.”

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