Lincoln (22 page)

When David ran out of data, Mr. Surratt said, “The boy was asking me how he could help the cause. I said stay right where you are, and listen.”

“I concur. Young man, you can be of real value to us just by keeping your ears open, and getting to know better the folks at the Mansion—and at Mr. Seward’s house. He’s the real boss of the government. Sometimes, we may have something specific we’ll need to find out, and we’ll get the word to you through Mr. Surratt here.”

“Or through Annie in case I am no longer here.” The withheld series of coughs now erupted; and the old man buried his face in his hands, shoulders heaving with pain. Whatever was wrong, David decided, it was not the consumption.

David turned to the stout man. “I could be useful as a courier, couldn’t I?”

“We have enough of those. Besides, you don’t want to lose your job at Thompson’s.”

“I guess not.” David was disappointed. He had seen himself riding hard through the enemy’s line, with coded messages in the heel of his boot.

When Mr. Surratt was done with his coughing, he rose, shakily; and took leave of the stout man. “I might, on a Sunday, say, send you Davie here.”

“Take good care of yourself, John.” The stout man did not accompany them to the front door. Outside the tavern, David said, “I got to go deliver medicine now.”

“That’s good, Davie.” Mr. Surratt nodded. “When Virginia secedes, which could be as soon as tomorrow, thanks to what I just had my friend put on the telegraph, you’ll probably need a pass to go back and forth across the Long Bridge, and they’ll hand out one, easy as can be, to the boy from Thompson’s.”

“Then I might be a courier yet?”

“Why not? But as our friend said, keep your job. That’s where you can help, really help our country!”

David could no longer contain his curiosity. “What was it that you gave him, that he’s put on the telegraph? Or is it a real secret?”

“Well, it’s a secret now but it won’t be tomorrow. We got our hands on a proclamation that Old Abe is issuing tomorrow, calling on all states, including Virginia, to send him troops. They’ll send him troops all right.”
Mr. Surratt laughed and coughed simultaneously. “They’ve just been waiting for something like this so as to leave the Union. Maryland, too.”

David was excited to be almost a part of the secret service of the Confederacy; and, again, he saw himself riding through a dark and moonless night on some crucial mission. Exhausted and near collapse, he would give Jefferson Davis himself the vital, heretofore inaccessible information that the South needed to win the war. Head high, he walked toward Alexandria; and sang “Dixie” almost aloud.

CHASE SAT
sat at his huge black-walnut desk and contemplated on the wall opposite him the portrait of the first Secretary of the Treasury, Alexander Hamilton, whose problems were negligible compared to his own. Chase was a meticulous man who enjoyed hard work. This was fortunate, as the President had said, with considerable sympathy, when Chase had told him what a nightmare it was, trying to make order out of the finances of the United States in the vast Treasury Building, where only three hundred eighty-three clerks presided over the finances of each of seven governmental departments, as well as the Customs Department, the Lighthouse Board, the Marine Hospitals, the Coast Survey and a dozen other miscellaneous activities that had accrued to his department.

“Where,” Chase asked Jay Cooke, who stood now at the window, smoking a cigar and staring at Willard’s Hotel across the avenue, “are we to get the money?”

“Borrow it, like any other business would.” Cooke turned. With dismay, Chase watched as the ash from Cooke’s cigar fell onto the pearl-gray velvet rug that his predecessor had only recently laid down; at the same time, the room’s six black-walnut chairs had been upholstered in what was, to Chase’s eye, a most tasteful blue. The office was far more luxurious and beautiful than that of the President or any of the other Cabinet officers. Particularly satisfying to Chase were the gilded window cornices that displayed the Treasury’s ornate seal, surmounted by Justice’s scales.

“I cannot say that I very much like the idea of the American government being placed in the hands of bankers, if you’ll forgive me, Mr. Cooke.”

“Don’t look at me, Mr. Secretary. I hate the breed. That’s why I’ve just started a bank of my own.”

“I would rather raise the money through a direct tax on income.”

“No Congress has ever allowed such a tax.”

“No Congress has ever been faced with a crisis like this. Here we are, totally cut off from the rest of the world. The telegraph lines are down.
The railroads …” Chase paused; he found it hard to believe what he was about to say; but he said it: “If the rebels should attack, we shall have to abandon the city.” Chase looked wistfully around the beautiful office. “But no matter
where
the government is, we must prepare to finance a most costly war.”

“How long do you think it’ll take us to beat ’em?”

Chase frowned. “A few months ago, a few months. But Mr. Buchanan would not move against his Southern friends. Now that Virginia has seceded, we’ve lost the Norfolk naval yard. Worse, we’ve lost the arsenal at Harper’s Ferry. So it is my guess that it will take us close to a year to defeat the rebels, at a cost of one hundred million dollars.”

“You’re quite the pessimist, Mr. Chase. But if you’re right, then all the more reason that you issue Federal bonds right away. Twenty-year bonds that you can’t cash in for, let’s say, five years, paying a premium of eight percent …”

“Six percent,” said Chase, automatically.

“Make it seven and a half …”

“I am not an auctioneer. Whatever the percent, the lower the better for the country.”

“But the higher the better for the bankers, who are the ones who’ll buy your bonds.”

Chase sat back in his chair; and looked at Alexander Hamilton for inspiration. “I wonder,” he said, somewhat inspired, “if we could entice the people at large to buy their government’s bonds. In that event, each owner of a bond would certainly feel himself involved in the war, and our successes would make his bonds more valuable …”

“But our defeats, God forbid we have any, would make those bonds less valuable and unsalable.”

“
You
are the pessimist, Mr. Cooke. But I must say, so far, under our war leader”—Chase had vowed to himself that he would never criticize Lincoln, outside the Cabinet; but there were times when he could not hold back—“we do nothing. Last night at dinner, the British minister complimented the United States on its originality in war. Most nations at war, he said, try to do harm to the enemy. But you only do harm to yourselves. Everyone laughed. And I felt ashamed. Because, of course, he’s right. Since the proclamation on Monday, all that we have done is blow up our own arsenal at Harper’s Ferry and set fire to our own Navy Yard at Norfolk.”

“Well, it did keep them out of the hands of the rebels. Kate’s staying with my wife, by the way; at The Cedars.”

Chase contracted his left eye to adjust to the new subject. “I had no idea
she was going to stop off in Philadelphia after her positively Roman orgy of buying in New York.” Chase sighed.

“You know I’ll be happy to lend you any amount.”

“No, no, Mr. Cooke. That would not look right. By the way, we must have some sort of
written
agreement on the carriage. I can only borrow it, you know.”

“I know.”

Chase got to his feet and looked out the window. A horsecar rattled by. The sidewalk in front of Willard’s was empty. “Last week there were a thousand guests at Willard’s. Now there are forty.” But then, as Chase watched, several hundred men with rifles and fur hats came into view from the direction of Lafayette Square. “That must be the Clay Battalion.” Cooke joined Chase at the window. A number of the men stood guard in front of Willard’s, while the rest went inside.

“Who on earth are they?” asked Cooke.

“Mostly Kentuckians. Border men. One group is camping out at the President’s Mansion.
In
the Mansion. They sleep in the East Room. Imagine! The Pennsylvania boys are camping out in the House of Representatives. I don’t know where they’ve put the regiment from Massachusetts.”

“How badly mauled were they in Baltimore?”

“Four soldiers killed. Thirty wounded by a mob of plug-uglies. They were lucky to get through at all.”

“If Maryland secedes …”

“We abandon the city.” Chase turned to his desk. He picked up a document. “Then there is the business of the spies.” He squinted at the paper. “Of the four thousand four hundred and seventy civil and military officers, two thousand one hundred and fifty-four come from the rebel states.”

“Looks like the South is a bit overrepresented.”

“Particularly in the military. According to General Scott, our best army officer is a Virginian named Lee.”

“The man who caught John Brown?”

“The same. Old Mr. Blair is a great friend of his. On Thursday, when Mr. Blair offered Colonel Lee the command of our army, Lee said that although he believes secession is wrong, and slavery worse, he can be no party to an invasion of his native state. I don’t understand Southerners, do you, Mr. Cooke?”

“I can’t say I ever tried.”

Chase’s mind reverted now to business. “I shall attempt to place a tax on personal incomes.”

“I don’t think you’ll be exactly popular anywhere, if you do.”

“Oh, a two- or three-percent tax will hardly be noticed. Naturally, anything higher will be out of the question.”

“I hope you’re right. But don’t forget, we’ve got to get you elected in ’sixty-four.”

“If it’s not too late,” said Chase grimly. He was certain Maryland would secede within the next few days; nevertheless, he was careful to sound more cheerful and confident than indeed he was on the ground that the financial community was a delicate and skittish animal in constant need of reassurance. Privately, Chase was in a state of panic. Once Maryland was gone, the city would be abandoned by the government. Once the capital had been lost to the rebels, there would be a movement, probably successful, to impeach Lincoln. Once Lincoln was gone, Seward would seize power; particularly if the capital should be moved anywhere north of Harrisburg. Once Seward was in power, an election in 1864 would be a moot affair. Chase could think of no way to stop the chaos that had begun to envelope the never-entirely-stable North American republic, which had been so arranged in its very Constitution that everyone ruled so that no one could rule, save the unexpected tyrant—a small, smiling, gray New Yorker who smoked cigars.

BUT THE SMALL
, smiling, gray New Yorker who smoked cigars was not at all in a tyrannical mood when, the next morning, he and his son left the nearly empty church of Saint John’s, and together walked in silence over to the White House gate, where smart-looking soldiers of the Sixth Massachusetts Regiment now stood guard. As father and son tried to enter, they were stopped. “Who goes there?” asked a sergeant. From the portico Old Edward shouted, “Mr. Seward.”

The soldiers saluted as the Sewards walked up the driveway not to the Mansion but off to the right, where dingy glass conservatories made curiously ugly the prospect. In the woods of the President’s Park just off the Mansion’s west wing with its glass attachment stood, side by side, the old War and Naval Department buildings, while opposite the east wing of the Mansion a small red-brick building housed the State Department, literally in the shadow of the Treasury’s palace.

Two sailors stood guard at the Naval Department. Here father and son separated; son to go to the State Department; father to go to a meeting which was so secret that it was being held not at the Mansion, where spies reported everything that went on, but at Gideon Welles’s establishment.

Seward was recognized by the sailors; and he took their salute with a
wave of his cigar. In the small office of the Secretary of the Navy, the President was already at the head of the table, the hair on his head already in a state of alarm. Except for Chase, the entire Cabinet was now present. Overflowing a special armchair to the President’s right was General Scott, his huge gouty leg resting on a stool. Hay and Nicolay sat beneath a watery painting of John Paul Jones.

As Seward took his seat beside the President, he murmured, “There’s a rumor that all the telegraph offices in the North were raided yesterday.”

“Well,” said Lincoln, “that’s the first rumor I’ve heard this week that’s founded on fact. Yesterday, at three in the afternoon, I ordered every U. S. marshal in the country to seize the original of every telegram that has been sent and a copy of every telegram that has been received in the last twelve months.”

Seward whistled softly. “The
legal
basis for this seizure …?” He cocked an eye, comically.

“The
broader
powers inherent in the Constitution.” Lincoln appeared to savor the word “broader.” “Anyway, now we’ll have a better notion of just who and where our enemies are, particularly in this part of the world.”

Chase made his entrance; bowed to the company; took his place at the table. Then Lincoln began. “Gentlemen, Mr. Seward and I have just been discussing rumors, which is about the only productive thing we have at present. I have heard a brand-new one. General Scott.” Lincoln turned to the huge old figure which came, more or less, to attention in the outsize armchair. “The newspapers at Richmond have announced that you were offered a high command in the rebel army and that you have accepted it.”

General Scott raised high the many chins attached to his massive head. “The first part is true. I was asked to transfer my allegiance to Virginia. The second part is untrue. I declined. I also told them that, henceforth, the soil of my native Virginia is enemy territory.”

Lincoln nodded. “I thought as much. Have you made any headway with Colonel Lee?”

“None, sir. I spoke to him. Then Mr. Blair spoke to him. Colonel Lee was the soul of courtesy—and of honor. This morning I received a dispatch from Richmond. Colonel Lee is now a commander of the rebel army.”

“It will be interesting,” said Lincoln, “to see what sort of commander he will make, since he claims to abominate slavery and to regard secession as treason.”