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  1. Ibid.
  2. Ibid., 8.
  3. Ibid.
  4. Ibid.
  5. Abu-Amr, Islamic Fundamentalism in the West Bank and Gaza, 63.
  6. Ibid.
  7. Clinton Bailey, “Hamas: The Fundamentalist Challenge to the PLO,” Policy Focus, Washington Institute for Near East Policy, Research Memorandum 19 (April 1992): 3.
  8. Ibid.
  9. Articles 11 and 22 of the “Charter of the Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas) of Palestine,” 125, 129.
  10. Kirsten E. Schulze, The Arab-Israeli Conflict, 2nd edn. (Harlow: Pearson Longman, 2008), 134–5.
  11. Abu-Amr, Islamic Fundamentalism in the West Bank and Gaza, 66.
  12. Ze)ev Schiff and Ehud Ya)ari, Intifada – The Palestinian Uprising: Israel’s Third Front (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1990), 227.
  13. Mitchell G. Bard, Will Israel Survive? (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), 33.
  14. Lilly Weissbrod, Arab Relations with Jewish Immigrants and Israel, 1891– 1991: The Hundred Year’s Conflict (Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press, 1992), 3, 183–4.
  15. See, for example, the Hamas leaflets entitled, “O Murabitun on the Soil of Immaculate and Beloved Palestine,” “The Blessed Uprising,” “O Our Muslim People,” “O Masses of Muslim Murabitun,” and “Islamic Palestine from the Sea to the River,” in Mishal and Aharoni, Speaking Stones; and Article 15 of the “Charter of the Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas) of Palestine,” 126.
  16. Articles 11, 12, and 14 of the “Charter of the Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas) of Palestine,” 125–6.
  17. Weissbrod, Arab Relations with Jewish Immigrants and Israel, 3, 183–4.
  18. Jean-François Legrain, “The Islamic Movement and the Intifada,” in Intifada: Palestine at the Crossroads, ed. Jamal R. Nassar and Roger Heacock (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1990), 182.
  19. Legrain, “The Islamic Movement and the Intifada,” 183.
  20. Ibid.
  21. B’Tselem: The Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories,
    www.btselem.org/english/statistics/first_Intifada_Tables.asp
    (accessed September 7, 2009).
  22. The text of Oslo I is at:
    http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/in_depth/middle_east/israel_
    and_the_palestinians/key_documents/1682727.stm (accessed August 14, 2009). The text of Oslo II is at:
    www.mideastweb.org/meosint.htm
    (accessed August 14, 2009).
  23. Cleveland and Bunton, A History of the Modern Middle East, 504.
  24. Daniel Gavron, The Other Side of Despair: Jews and Arabs in the Promised Land (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2004), 38–9. See also Raphael

 

Israeli,“From Oslo to Bethlehem: Arafat’s Islamic Message,” Journal of Church and State 43, no. 3 (Summer 2001): 423–45.

  1. The full text of United Nations Security Council Resolution 242 which was adopted in November 1967 is at:
    http://daccessdds.un.org/doc/RESOLUTION/
    GEN/NR0/240/94/IMG/NR024094.pdf?OpenElement (accessed August 14, 2009). The full text of United Nations Security Council Resolution 338 which was adopted in October 1973 is at:
    http://daccessdds.un.org/doc/RESOLUTION/
    GEN/NR0/288/65/IMG/NR028865.pdf?OpenElement (accessed August 14, 2009).
  2. See the text of the Oslo I accords at:
    http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/in_depth/middle_
    east/israel_and_the_palestinians/key_documents/1682727.stm (accessed August 14, 2009).
  3. See the text of the Oslo II accords at:
    www.mideastweb.org/meosint.htm
    (accessed August 14, 2009).
  4. Some information about the Palestinian National Authority is available on at least two of its official websites at:
    www.mop.gov.ps
    and
    www.moi.gov.ps/en/

?page633167343250594025&Nid=10650 (accessed August 14, 2009).

  1. Khalidi, The Iron Cage, 140–217.
  2. Graham Usher, Palestine in Crisis: The Struggle for Peace and Political Independence after Oslo (London: Pluto Press, 1997), 20.
  3. David Cook and Olivia Allison, Understanding and Addressing Suicide Attacks: The Faith and Politics of Martyrdom Operations (Westport, CT: Praeger Security International, 2007), 28–30.
  4. Magnus Norell, A Dissenting Democracy: The Israeli Movement ‘Peace Now’

(London: Frank Cass, 2002), 28–9.

  1. Mark Juergensmeyer, Terror in the Mind of God: The Global Rise of Religious Violence (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000), 47–50.
  2. David W. Lesch, “Israel and the Arab World,” in Contemporary Israel: Domestic Politics, Foreign Policy, and Security Challenges, ed. Robert Owen Freedman (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 2009), 18.
  3. James L. Gelvin, The Israel-Palestine Conflict: One Hundred Years of War

(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 243–4.

  1. In Robert J. Brym and Yael Maoz-Shai’s view, for example, “no event and date mark the end of the Second Intifada”; see Robert J. Brym and Yael Maoz-Shai, “Israeli State Violence during the Second Intifada: Combining New Institutionalist and Rational Choice Approaches,” Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, 32 (2009): 624. Ramzy Baroud, for example, suggests that Israel’s unilateral disengagement from the Gaza Strip, announced in June 2004 and completed in August 2005, marks the end of the second intifada; see Ramzy Baroud, The Second Palestinian Intifada: A Chronicle of a People’s Struggle (London: Pluto Press, 2006), 120–56. Commentator Sever Plocker suggests October 2004 as the end of the second intifada; see his “2nd Intifada Forgotten: Why Do So Many People Prefer to Forget [the] 2nd Intifada and Ignore Its Lessons?” ynetnews.com, June 22, 2008, at:
    www.ynet.co.il/english/
    articles/0,7340,L-3558676,00.html (accessed August 15, 2009). These are some among many opinions on the issue.

 

  1. Cleveland and Bunton, A History of the Modern Middle East, 516.
  2. Ibid.
  3. Quintan Wiktorowicz and Karl Kaltenthaler, “The Rationality of Radical Islam,” Political Science Quarterly 121, no. 2 (Summer 2006): 295–319.
  4. See, for example, Ghada Ageel, “The ‘Disengagement’ as Seen from Gaza,” The Electronic Intifada, August 23, 2005,
    http://electronicintifada.net/v2/
    article4121.shtml (accessed August 15, 2009).
  5. Kylie Baxter and Shahram Akbarzadeh, US Foreign Policy in the Middle East: The Roots of Anti-Americanism (London: Routledge, 2008), 152–9.
  6. John Collins, “Global Palestine: A Collision for Our Time,” Critique: Critical Middle Eastern Studies 16, no. 1 (Spring 2007): 3–18.
  7. William A. Rugh, Arab Mass Media: Newspapers, Radio, and Television in Arab Politics (Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers, 2004), 7–8.
  8. Walter Benjamin, “Letter to Florens Christian Rang,” in Walter Benjamin: Selected Writings, 1913–1926, vol. 1, ed. Marcus Bullock and Michael W. Jennings (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2002), 388–90.
  9. Denis J. Sullivan and Sana Abed-Kotob, Islam in Contemporary Egypt: Civil Society vs. The State (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1999), 11; Usama bin Laden, “The Betrayal of Palestine” (December 29, 1994), in Messages to the World: The Statements of Osama bin Laden, ed. Bruce Lawrence, trans. James Howarth (London: Verso, 2005), 3–19.
  10. Donald L. Horowitz, “Self Determination: Politics, Philosophy, and Law,” in National Self-Determination and Secession, ed. Margaret Moore (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), 201.
  11. On the International Solidarity Movement and global solidarity activism dur- ing the second intifada, see, for example, Josie Sandercock et al., eds., Israel/ Palestine and the International Solidarity Movement (London: Verso, 2004).
  12. Collins, “Global Palestine: A Collision for Our Time,” 3.
  13. Walter Benjamin, “On the Concept of History,” in Walter Benjamin: Selected Writings, 1938–1940, vol. 4, ed. Howard Eiland and Michael W. Jennings (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2003), 392.
  14. Eqbal Ahmad, The Selected Writings of Eqbal Ahmad, ed. Carollee Bengelsdorf, Margaret Cerullo, and Yogesh Chandrani (New York: Columbia University Press, 2006), 76–80, 160–78, 298–388; Barbara Harlow, After Lives: Legacies of Revolutionary Writing (London: Verso, 1996), 43–75, 149–77, and Resistance Literature (New York: Methuen, 1987), 169–77; Edward Said, “The Meaning of Rachel Corrie: Of Dignity and Solidarity,” in Israel/Palestine and the International Solidarity Movement, ed. Sandercock et al., xii–xxii.
  15. Edward Said, Culture and Imperialism (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1993), 311.
  16. John Collins,“Terrorism,” in Collateral Language: A User’s Guide to America’s New War, ed. John Collins and Ross Glover (New York: New York University Press, 2002), 154–73.
  17. Derek Gregory, The Colonial Present: Afghanistan, Palestine, Iraq (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2004), 243–4.

 

  1. “Mideast Security Cooperation,” on Public Radio International’s program The World, July 27, 2010,
    www.theworld.org/2010/07/27/mideast-security-
    cooperation (accessed August 9, 2010); Anthony H. Cordesman, The Iraq War: Strategy, Tactics, and Military Lessons (Washington, DC: Center for Strategic and International Studies, 2003), 234–7.
  2. Hammami, “On the Importance of Thugs: The Moral Economy of a Checkpoint,” 26–34; Gregory, The Colonial Present, 243.
  3. Raphael Israeli, The Iraq War: The Regional Impact on Shi’ites, Kurds, Sunnis and Arabs: Hidden Agendas and Babylonian Intrigue (Brighton: Sussex Academic Press, 2004), 89–90; Ami Pedahzur, The Israeli Secret Services and the Struggle against Terrorism (New York: Columbia University Press, 2009), 42–3.
  4. Shmuel Even, “The Victory in Iraq and the Global Oil Economy,” in After the War in Iraq: Defining the New Strategic Balance, ed. Shai Feldman (Brighton: Sussex Academic Press, 2003), 75–83; Miriam R. Lowi, Water and Power: The Politics of a Scarce Resource in the Jordan River Basin (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 147–60.
  5. Magnus Bengtsson et al., “The Iraq War in 2003: Back to the Future?” in The Iraq War: European Perspectives on Politics, Strategy and Operations, ed. Jan Hallenberg and Hakan Karlsson (Abingdon: Routledge, 2005), 191–209; Eyal Weizman, “Introduction to the Politics of Verticality,” OpenDemocracy, April 23, 2002,
    www.opendemocracy.net/conflict-politicsve
    www.opendemoc- racy.net/conflict-politicsverticality/article_801.jsp rticality/article_801.jsp.
  6. Ephraim Kam,“The Ongoing Iraqi Crisis,” in The Middle East Strategic Balance: 2004–2005, ed. Zvi Shtauber and Yiftah S. Shapir (Brighton: Sussex Academic Press, 2006), 25–31; Nathan J. Brown, “The Hamas-Fatah Conflict: Shallow but Wide,” The Fletcher Forum of World Affairs 34, no. 2 (Summer 2010): 37–51.
  7. Trevor Paglen, Blank Spots on the Map: The Dark Geography of the Pentagon’s Secret World (New York: Dutton, 2009), 186–282; Esmail Nashif, Palestinian Political Prisoners: Identity and Community (Abingdon: Routledge, 2008), 12–14.
  8. Ahmad Mansur, Inside Fallujah: The Unembedded Story (Northampton, MA: Olive Branch Press, 2009), 317; Edward Said, The End of the Peace Process: Oslo and After (New York: Vintage Books, 2003), 370–5.
  9. On the Israelization of some of the United States’ policies and discourse, see, for example, Tarak Barkawi, Globalization and War (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2006), 157–66.
  10. John J. Mearsheimer and Stephen M. Walt, The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2007), 199–334.
  11. Ibid.
  12. Scott Atran, Talking to the Enemy: Violent Extremism, Sacred Values, and What It Means to Be Human (London: Allen Lane, 2010); Robert Axelrod, The Evolution of Cooperation (New York: Basic Books, 2006).
  13. See, for example, Edward P. Djerejian,“From Conflict Management to Conflict Resolution,” Foreign Affairs 85, no. 6 (November–December 2006): 48.
  14. Ibid., 41–8; interview with Mark Perry entitled, “How Jerusalem Affects Pentagon,” The World, March 16, 2010,
    www.theworld.org/2010/03/how-
    jerusalem-affects-pentagon (accessed April 28, 2011).

4

Saudi Arabia

 

 

 

 

The Wahhabi movement, which began in Saudi Arabia during the eighteenth century, has had an enormous impact on the formation of the modern Saudi state, on Usama bin Laden who until 1994 was a Saudi citizen, and on a variety of Islamist groups including al-Qaida. This chapter will begin with a brief examination of the life and ideas of the founder of the Wahhabi movement, Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab (1703–92), discuss his impact on the formation and perpetuation of the Saudi state and society, and then explore the impact of Wahhabi ideas and practices on Usama bin Laden and al-Qaida.

 

 

Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab and the Wahhabi Movement

 

Ibn Abd al-Wahhab was born in approximately 1703 in the town of al-Uyaynah in the Arabian region of Najd, which would be in central modern-day Saudi Arabia. There were several men in his ancestry and extended family who were respected Muslim jurists and legists.1 Ibn Abd al-Wahhab may have memorized the Quran at a young age, perhaps when he was 10 years old.2 He also studied the Hadith, interpretations of the Quran (tafsir), Islamic law and its interpretations (fiqh), and commentaries of various members of the ulema about Islam.3 Ibn Abd al-Wahhab’s understanding of the Quran and Hadith had a significant role in shaping his position on the Islamic concept of tawhid, which refers to the oneness of God, and his background in those texts was one of the central principles in

 

 

Modern Islamist Movements: History, Religion, and Politics, First Edition. Jon Armajani.

© 2012 Jon Armajani. Published 2012 by Blackwell Publishing Ltd.

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