Muslim Fortresses in the Levant: Between Crusaders and Mongols (137 page)

144 Schein, S.,
Fideles Crucis: The Papacy, the West and the Recovery of the Holy Land 1274–1314
(Oxford, 1991), 256.

145 Tyerman, C. J., “Marino Sanudo Torsello and the lost Crusade: lobbying in the four-Tyerman, C. J., “Marino Sanudo Torsello and the lost Crusade: lobbying in the fourteenth century,”
Transactions of the Royal Historical Society
32 (1982): 65.

146 If Marino Sanudo could have witnessed the results of Peter I, King of Cyprus’ attack on Alexandria in 1365 and the effect it had on the Italian merchant communities and the Mamluks, he might have abandoned the entire idea of an economic embargo and of the conquest of Egypt. The economic damage that both sides suffered was devastating. The interdependency of the Mamluks and the Italian merchants, however, led to a relatively fast recovery; trading was resumed within a couple of years, though the volume of trade and profit never returned to that of the thirteenth century. Ashtor, E.,
Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages
(Princeton, NJ, 1983), 88–91.

147 Since the Mamluks did not have a merchant fleet, most of the trade was conducted by foreigners. Thus their ole was similar to that of the Armenians, who acted as intermediary providing traders with commercial services. Labib, S., “Egyptian commercial policy in the Middle Ages,” in
Studies in the Economic History of the Middle East from the Rise of Islam to the Present Day
, ed. M. A. Cook (London, New York and Toronto, 1970), 65, 73.

148 The following peace treaty signed by Qalāwūn in 684/1285 with the Armenian king Leon gives an idea of the importance of the Armenian territory to the Mamluk slave trade: “Provided also that King Leon shall not forbid anyone, whether a merchant or not, who imports slaves, slave girls, horses, mules and all kinds of goods, to bring them to the Sultan’s territory: nor shall he detain them, nor permit anyone to detain them. He shall open the way for them to import the slaves, slave girls, horses, mules and all kinds of goods, all nationalities of slaves and nationalities of slave girls of their various kinds and not detain any of them.” Holt, P. M.,
Early Mamluk Diplomacy (1260–1290): Treaties of Baybars and Qalāwūn with Christian Rulers
(Leiden, 1995), Islamic History and Civilization, vol. 12
,
102; Ayalon, D., “Mamlūk,”
EI
²
6:315.

149 Schein,
Fideles Crucis
, 156–7.

150 Housley, N.,
The vignon Papacy and the Crusades 1305–1378
(Oxford, 1986), 16.

151 Schein,
Fideles Crucis
, 195–6.

152 Ibid., 214

153 Marino Sanuto,
Liber secretorum fidelium crucis super Terrae Sanctae recupratione et conservatione
, intro. by J. Prawer (new edn, 1972), pp. i–xiii; Atiya,
Crusade
, 116–26.

154 Tyerman, “Marino Sanudo,” 63.

155 Luttrell, A. T., “The Hospitallers’ interventions in Cilician Armenia: 1291–1375,” in
The Cilician Kingdom of Armenia,
ed. T. R. S. Boase (Edinburgh and London, 1978), 126.

156 Tyerman, “Marino Sanudo,” 65–7.

157 Schein,
Fideles Crucis
, 195.

158 Hayton,
La flor des estoires de la Terre d’orient, Recueil des Historiens des Croisades
, Documents Arméniens, tome II, Documents Latins et Français relatifs à l’Arménie (Paris, 1900), bk IV, 248–9; Hetoum,
A Lytell Cronycle
, ed. G. Burger (Toronto, 1988), 81–5; Luttrell, “Hospitallers,” 123–4.

159 Luttrell, “Hospitallers,” 123.

160 Amitai-Preiss,
Mongols
, 94–105.

161 Yūnīnī,
Dhayl mir’āt al-zamān
(Hyderabad, 1955), vol. 2, 343–4.

162 Stewart,
Armenian Kingdom
, 50.

163 Smpad (Der Nersessian), 167.

164 Holt,
Diplomacy
, 102.

165 Ibn Shaddād,
, vol. 1, pt. 2, 342–3.

166 Bar Hebraeus,
Chronography
, 445.

167 Smpad (Der Nersessian), 165; Bar Hebraeus,
Chronography
, 446.

168 Holt,
Diplomacy
, 93; Bar Hebraeus,
Chronography
, 446.

169 Ibn
, 280; Bar Hebraeus,
Chronography
, 446; Abū‘l-Fidā’,
Syrian Prince
(Holt), 29; Thorau,
Baybars
, 174.

170 Ibn
, 327–9; Amitai-Preiss,
Mongols
, 119; Stewart,
Armenian Kingdom
, 47–9.

171 Maqrīzī,
Sulūk
, vol. 1, pt. 2, 568–9.

172 Ibn
, 417; Amitai-Preiss,
Mongols
, 131–2.

173 This new fortress is called Gadariats and it does not appear in earlier or later treaties. Smpad, (Der Nersessian), 166. Ibn
, 432.

174 Bar Hebraeus,
Chronography
, 453–4.

175 Holt,
Diplomacy
, 102.

176
vol. 3, 150–2.

177 Yūnīnī,
Dhayl
(Guo), vol. 1, 110; Abū‘l-Fidā’,
Syrian Prince
(Holt), 27–8.

178 The fortress of Nujayma is yet to be identified.

179 Edwards situates Hāmīs 12km southeast of the modern city of Osmaniye. Edwards,
Fortifications
, 110–13.

180 Yūnīnī,
Dhayl
(Guo), vol. 1, 110

181 Abū‘l-Fidā’,
Syrian Prince
(Holt), 29. Sarfandkar is identified as an Armenian fortress by the name of Savranda. Al-Naqīr is synonymous with a stronghold that appears in the Armenian sources as Nghir and is identified as the Armenian site Mancilik (Kalesi) situated on the western slopes of the Anti-Taurus. Hajar Shaghlan is identified with Çalan, an Armenian fortress in the northern section of the Amanus range. Edwards has some reservations concerning this identification. Kuwayrā has not been identified and there are very few clues as to its location. Edwards,
Fortifications
, 99, 185; Stewart,
Armenian Kingdom
, 121.

182 Abū‘l-Fidā’,
Syrian Prince
(Holt), 39–40.

183 Ibid., 45.

184 Ibid., 44–5.

185 Ibid., 67–8.

186 Ibid., 79.

187 Ibid., 80.

188 Edwards,
Fortifications
, 77–83.

189 Abū‘l-Fidā’,
Syrian Prince
(Holt), 82

190 Edwards,
Fortifications
, 77–83.

191 Ibid., 32–3.

192 Methods of construction will be discussed in detail in Chapter 4.