Nazi Germany and the Jews: The Years of Persecution, 1933-1939 (54 page)

127. Ibid., p. 14.

128. Ibid., p. 15.

129. Ibid., p. 16. (For example, one would not be allowed to say “
A
for Abraham.”)

130. Ibid., p. 19.

131. Ibid., p. 21.

132. Ibid., p. 23.

133. Ibid., p. 25.

134. Kommission zur Erforschung der Geschichte der Frankfurter Juden, ed.,
Dokumente zur Geschichte der Frankfurter Juden 1933–1945
(Frankfurt am Main, 1963), p. 95.

135.
Chronik der Stadt Stuttgart 1933–1945
(Stuttgart, 1982), p. 21.

136. Ibid., p. 22.

137. Ibid., p. 22.

138. Ibid., p. 25.

139. Ibid., p. 26.

140. Ibid., p. 27.

141. William Sheridan Allen,
The Nazi Seizure of Power: The Experience of a Single German Town 1930–1935
(London, 1965), pp. 209–10.

142. Ibid., p. 212.

143. Ibid., p. 213.

144. Deborah Dwork,
Children with a Star: Jewish Youth in Nazi Europe
(New Haven, Conn., 1991), p. 22.

145. Richarz,
Jüdisches Leben in Deutschland
, p. 232.

146. Götz Aly and Karl-Heinz Roth,
Die restlose Erfassung: Volkszählen, Identifizieren, Aussondern im Nationalsozialismus
(Berlin, 1984), p. 55.

147. Robert N. Proctor,
Racial Hygiene: Medicine under the Nazis
(Cambridge, Mass., 1988), p. 95.

148. Jeremy Noakes, “Nazism and Eugenics: The Background to the Nazi Sterilization Law of 14 July 1933,” in R. J. Bullen, H. Pogge von Strandmann, and A. B. Polonsky, eds.,
Ideas into Politics. Aspects of European History 1880–1950
(London, 1984), pp. 83–84.

149. For the economic impact of the Great Depression on psychiatric care, see Michael Burleigh,
Death and Deliverance: “Euthanasia” in Germany 1900–1945
(Cambridge, England, 1994), pp. 33ff.

150. Ibid., pp. 84–85.

151. Gisela Bock,
Zwangssterilisation im Nationalsozialismus: Studien zur Rassenpolitik und Frauenpolitik
(Opladen, 1986), pp. 49–51, 55–56.

152. Noakes, “Nazism and Eugenics,” p. 85.

153. Ibid., p. 86.

154. Hans-Walter Schmuhl, “Reformpsychiatrie und Massenmord,” in Michael Prinz und Rainer Zitelmann, eds.,
Nationalsozialismus und Modernisierung
(Darmstadt, 1991), p. 249.

155. Noakes, “Nazism and Eugenics,” p. 87.

156. Schmuhl, “Reformpsychiatrie und Massenmord,” p. 250.

Chapter 2 Consenting Elites, Threatened Elites

1. Eberhard Röhm and Jörg Thierfelder,
Juden-Christen-Deutsche
, vol. 1,
1933–1935
(Stuttgart, 1990), pp. 120ff.

2. Klaus Scholder,
Die Kirchen und das Dritte Reich
, vol. 1,
Vorgeschichte und Zeit der Illusionen 1918–1934
(Frankfurt am Main, 1977), pp. 338ff.

3. Ibid.

4. Wolfgang Gerlach,
Als die Zeugen schwiegen: Bekennende Kirche und die Juden
(Berlin, 1987), p. 42.

5.
Akten deutscher Bischöfe über die Lage der Kirche 1933–45
, vol. 1:
1933–1934
, ed. Bernhard Stasiewski (Mainz, 1968), pp. 42n, 43n.

6. Ernst Christian Helmreich,
The German Churches Under Hitler: Background, Struggle and Epilogue
(Detroit, 1979), pp. 276–77. For the German original see
Akten deutscher Bischöfe
, vol. 2, p. 54n.

7. Ernst Klee, “
Die SA Jesu Christi”: Die Kirche im Banne Hitlers
(Frankfurt am Main, 1989), p. 30.

8. For the quotations see Helmreich,
The German Churches
, pp. 276–77.

9. Klaus Scholder, “Judaism and Christianity in the Ideology and Politics of National Socialism,” in Otto Dov Kulka and Paul Mendes-Flohr, eds.,
Judaism and Christianity Under the Impact of National Socialism 1919–1945
(Jerusalem, 1987), pp. 191ff.

10. Quoted in Doris L. Bergen,
Twisted Cross: The German Christian Movement in the Third Reich
(Chapel Hill, N.C., 1996), p. 23. On November 13, 1933, the leader of the Berlin district of German Christians, one Dr. Krause, declared at a meeting of the movement at the Sportpalast: “What belongs to it [the new Christianity] is the liberation from all that is un-German in the ritual and faith, the liberation from the Old Testament with its Jewish retribution morals and its stories of cattle dealers and pimps…. In the German Volk Church there is no place for people of foreign blood, either at the pulpit or below the pulpit. All expressions of a foreign spirit which have penetrated it…must be expelled from the German Volk Church.” Ulrich Thürauf, ed.,
Schulthess Europäischer Geschichtskalender
74 (1933), p. 244.

11. Quoted in Paul R. Mendes-Flohr, “Ambivalent Dialogue: Jewish-Christian Theological Encounter in the Weimar Republic,” in Kulka and Mendes-Flohr,
Judaism and Christianity
, p. 121.

12. Uriel Tal, “Law and Theology: on the Status of German Jewry at the outset of the Third Reich,” in
Political Theology and the Third Reich
(Tel Aviv, 1989), p. 16. The English version of this text appeared as a brochure published by Tel Aviv University, 1982.

13. For the intense theological debates raised by the introduction of the “Aryan paragraph,” see ibid.

14. Scholder,
Die Kirchen und das Dritte Reich
, pp. 612ff.

15. Robert Michael, “Theological Myth, German Anti-Semitism and the Holocaust: The Case of Martin Niemöller,”
Holocaust and Genocide Studies
2 (1987): 112. (The title “Propositions on the Aryan Question” should be considered a euphemism, in the same way as “Aryan paragraph” in fact meant “Jewish paragraph.”)

16. Gerlach,
Als die Zeugen schwiegen
, p. 87.

17. Michael, “Theological Myth,” p. 113.

18. Ibid.

19. Quoted in Uriel Tal, “On Structures of Political Theology and Myth in Germany prior to the Holocaust,” in Yehuda Bauer and Nathan Rotenstreich, eds.,
The Holocaust as Historical Experience
(New York, 1981), p. 55.

20. Richard Gutteridge,
Open Thy Mouth for the Dumb! The German Evangelical Church and the Jews 1879–1950
(Oxford, 1976), p. 122.

21. Günther van Norden, “Die Barmen Theologische Erklärung und die ‘Judenfrage’,” in Ursula Büttner et al., eds.,
Das Unrechtsregime
, vol. 1,
Ideologie—Herrschaftssystem—Wirkung in Europa
(Hamburg, 1986), pp. 315ff.

22. Guenter Lewy,
The Catholic Church and Nazi Germany
(New York, 1964), p. 17.

23. Ibid., p. 271.

24.
Akten deutscher Bischöfe
, vol. 1, pp. 100–102.

25. Klee to Foreign Ministry, September 12, 1933,
Documents on German Foreign Policy, Series C
, pp. 793–94.

26. Scholder,
Die Kirchen und das Dritte Reich
, p. 660.

27. His Eminence Cardinal Faulhaber,
Judaism, Christianity and Germany: Advent Sermons Preached in St. Michael’s, Munich, in 1933
(London, 1934), pp. 5–6. Faulhaber’s argument reflects a long-standing Christian polemic tradition regarding the Talmud. See in particular Amos Funkenstein, “Changes in Christian Anti-Jewish Polemics in the Twelfth Century,” in
Perceptions of Jewish History
(Berkeley, Calif., 1993), pp. 172–201 and particularly 189–96.

28. Helmreich,
The German Churches Under Hitler
, p. 262.

29. Heinz Boberach, ed.,
Berichte des SD und der Gestapo über Kirchen und Kirchenvolk in Deutschland 1934–1944
(Mainz, 1971), p. 7. Although as a rule church dignitaries avoided comments regarding the contemporary aspects of the Jewish issue, some local Catholic newpapers drew the attention of their readers to the brutal treatment of the Jews. For example, on May 23, 1933, the Catholic
Bamberger Volksblatt
explicitly mentioned the death in Dachau of the young local court clerk, Willy Aron, who was Jewish. For the significance of the case, see Norbert Frei,
Nationalsozialistische Eroberung der Provinzpresse: Gleichschaltung, Selbstanpassung und Resistenz in Bayern
(Stuttgart, 1980), pp. 273–75.

30. Quoted in Walter Hofer, ed.,
Der Nationalsozialismus: Dokumente 1933–1945
(Frankfurt am Main, 1957), p. 130.

31. Quoted in Konrad Kwiet and Helmut Eschwege,
Selbstbehauptung und Widerstand: Deutsche Juden im Kampf um Existenz und Menschenwürde 1933–1945
(Hamburg, 1984), p. 221.

32. Gerhard Sauder, ed.,
Die Bücherverbrennung
(Munich, 1983), pp. 50–52. The sixteen named were: Bonn (Berlin), Cohn (Breslau), Dehn (Halle), Feiler (Königsberg), Heller (Frankfurt am Main), Horkheimer (Frankfurt am Main), Kantorowicz (Frankfurt), Kantorowicz (Kiel), Kelsen (Cologne), Lederer (Berlin), Löwe (Frankfurt am Main), Löwenstein (Bonn), Mannheim (Frankfurt am Main), Mark (Breslau), Tillich (Frankfurt am Main), Sinzheimer (Frankfurt am Main).

33. Doron Niederland, “The Emigration of Jewish Academics and Professionals from Germany in the First Years of Nazi Rule,”
LBIY
33 (1988): 291. The numbers vary considerably from one field to another and from university to university. In biology, for example, the scientists defined as Jews or married to Jewish spouses who were dismissed between 1933 and 1939 (including the universities of Vienna and Prague) numbered approximately 9 percent of the entire faculty in the field (30 out of 337). See Ute Deichmann,
Biologen unter Hitler: Vertreibung, Karrieren, Forschung
(Frankfurt am Main, 1992), p. 34.

34. Alan D. Beyerchen,
Scientists Under Hitler. Politics and the Physics Community in the Third Reich
(New Haven, Conn., 1977), pp. 22, 15–22. For parts of the text regarding the universities, see Saul Friedländer, “The Demise of the German Mandarins: The German University and the Jews 1933–1939,” in Christian Jansen et al., eds.,
Von der Aufgabe der Freiheit: Politische Verantwortung und bürgerliche Gesellschaft im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert
(Berlin, 1995), pp. 63ff.

35. Helmut Heiber,
Universität unterm Hakenkreuz
, part 2,
Die Kapitulation der Hohen Schulen: Das Jahr 1933 und seine Themen
, vol. 1 (Munich, 1992), p. 26.

36. Uwe Dietrich Adam,
Hochschule und Nationalsozialismus: Die Universität Tübingen im Dritten Reich
(Tübingen, 1977), p. 36.

37. All the details of the Freiburg case are taken from Edward Seidler, “Die Medizinische Fakultät zwischen 1926 und 1948,” in Eckhard John, Bernd Martin, Marc Mück, and Hugo Ott, eds.,
Die Freiburger Universität in der Zeit des Nationalsozialismus
(Freiburg/Würzburg, 1991), pp. 76–77.

38. Arno Weckbecker,
Die Judenverfolgung in Heidelberg 1933–1945
(Heidelberg, 1985), p. 150. During the same period five “Aryan” teachers had been dismissed on political grounds.

39. Benno Müller-Hill,
Murderous Science: Elimination by Scientific Selection of Jews, Gypsies and Others, Germany 1933–1945
(Oxford, 1988), p. 24.

40. Paul Weindling,
Health, Race and German Politics Between National Unification and Nazism, 1870–1945
(Cambridge, England, 1989), p. 495.

41. Chernow,
The Warburgs
, pp. 540–41.

42. Müller-Hill,
Murderous Science
, p. 27.

43. Karen Schönwälder,
Historiker und Politik: Geschichtswissenschaft im Nationalsozialismus
(Frankfurt am Main, 1992), pp. 29ff., 33.

44. For a more detailed presentation and analysis of the indifference of German university professors regarding the fate of their Jewish colleagues, as well as for the outright expressions of hostility of some of them, see Friedländer, “The Demise of the German Mandarins,” mainly pp. 70ff. For the attitude of the famous economic historian Werner Sombart, see ibid., p. 73, as well as Friedrich Lenger,
Werner Sombart 1863–1941: Eine Biographie
(Munich, 1994), p. 359; for a good analysis of Sombart’s anti-Jewish intellectual position, see mainly Jeffrey Herf,
Reactionary Modernism: Technology, Culture and Politics in Weimar and the Third Reich
(Cambridge, England, 1993), pp. 130ff.

45. Kurt Pätzold,
Verfolgung, Vertreibung, Vernichtung: Dokumente des faschistischen Antisemitismus 1933 bis 1942
(Frankfurt am Main, 1984), p. 53.

46. Geoffrey J. Giles, “Professor und Partei: Der Hamburger Lehrkörper und der Nationalsozialismus,” in Eckart Krause, Ludwig Huber, Holger Fischer, eds.,
Hochschulalltag im Dritten Reich: Die Hamburger Universität 1933–1945
(Berlin, 1991), p. 115.

47. Christian Jansen,
Professoren und Politik: Politisches Denken und Handeln der Heidelberger Hochschullehrer 1914–1935
(Göttingen, 1992), pp. 289ff.

48. Claudia Schorcht,
Philosophie an den Bayerischen Universitäten 1933–1945
(Erlangen, 1990), pp. 159ff. It is possible that at that early stage some other collective declarations in favor of Jewish colleagues were planned that were never concretely made. According to Otto Hahn, Max Planck dissuaded him from organizing such a petition with the argument that it would only trigger a much stronger counterdeclaration. See J. L. Heilbron,
The Dilemmas of an Upright Man: Max Planck as Spokesman for German Science
(Berkeley, Calif., 1986), p. 150.

49. We know of this intervention from Max Planck’s own account after the war. According to Planck, Hitler declared that he had nothing against the Jews and was only anti-Communist; then he supposedly flew into a rage. See Heilbron,
The Dilemmas of an Upright Man
, p. 153. Such postwar reports are hard to substantiate.

50. Hugo Ott,
Martin Heidegger: Unterwegs zu seiner Biographie
(Frankfurt am Main, 1988), pp. 198–200.

51. Rüdiger Safranski,
Ein Meister aus Deutschland: Heidegger und seine Zeit
(Munich, 1994), p. 299.

52. Hugo Ott,
Laubhüttenfest 1940: Warum Therese Löwy einsam sterben musste
(Freiburg, 1994), p. 113.