Nelson: The Essential Hero (47 page)

The fate of these men [the crew of the flagship
Dannebrog
], after the gallantry which they had displayed, particularly affected Nelson: for there was nothing in this action of that indignation against the enemy and that impression of retributive justice, which at the Nile had given a sterner temper to his mind, and a sense of austere delight in beholding the vengeance of which he was the appointed minister. The Danes were an honourable foe; they were of English mould as well as English blood; and now that the battle had ceased, he regarded them rather as brethren than as enemies.

It was undoubtedly the saddest battle in Nelson’s life, but it was certainly, as he was later to say to the Prince of Denmark, the hardest-fought of all to date. ‘The French fought bravely, but they could not have stood for one hour the fight which the Danes had supported for four.’ The British had lost nearly 1,000 men, the Danes nearly 2,000, but the wounded and captured brought their losses up to double this amount. Although the British ships had been badly cut up in the action, not one had been so disabled as to be put out of the fight. The Danes on the other hand had lost seventeen ships out of eighteen in their line of battle, some burnt, some sunk, and the others taken as prizes. Like the Nile it was a battle of annihilation, and at this point one may interpose Joseph Conrad’s assessment of the change which Nelson brought into naval warfare : ‘In a few short years he revolutionised, not the strategy or tactics of sea-warfare, but the
very conception of victory itself.
[My italics.] And this is genius. In that alone, through the fidelity of his fortune and the power of his inspiration, he stands unique among the leaders of fleets and sailors. He brought heroism into the line of duty. Verily he is a terrible ancestor.’

It was the undeniable fact of his own recognised heroism that, on the morning after the battle, brought within the British grasp the 74-gun
Syaelland.
Nelson had already been aboard his own ship, the
Elephant
(delighted to find that she was no longer aground but anchored securely in Copenhagen Roads), and had been informed that the
Syaelland
, lying under the guns of the Trekroner Fort, refused to surrender to anyone except Lord Nelson. After a visit to the Danish Commodore aboard his ship, the similarly named
Elephanten
, Nelson swiftly boarded his gig and went alongside the recalcitrant Dane. On stepping aboard, he threw back his salt-stained boat-cloak to reveal his orders and the pinned-back sleeve - those evidences of his identity which were as well known to the Danes as to everyone else in Europe. The
Syaelland
surrendered, and was towed away as a prize, although her Captain, game to the last, would still have preferred the guns of Trekroner to have broken their silence and destroy his ship where she lay.

It was a very cold day, Nelson had only had a brief sleep, and yet his extraordinary vitality was never more in evidence than on the morning of that Good Friday, 1801. He went on to inspect the ships that had been in action with him the day before, learning to his great grief that his old companion of the Nile, Captain Thompson, who had commanded the
Bellona
in the recent action, had lost a leg, while Captain Riou and Captain Mosse of the
Edgar
were dead. Meanwhile the British were actively engaged in refitting their ships, splicing their spars, mending standing-and running-rigging, and preparing, if it were necessary, to continue the action should the armistice not be renewed. Prizes were being secured, prize crews put aboard, and Danish prisoners were being transferred to the victors. At the same time the sad procession of boats carrying the wounded and the dead to the shores of Denmark carried on ceaselessly.

It would hardly have seemed the right moment for Nelson himself to go ashore to meet the Crown Prince and to discuss the terms of the armistice. But one of the most astonishing events of the Battle of Copenhagen is that Sir Hyde Parker, who had been through no fault of his own inactive throughout the battle, should now have asked his junior to undertake the negotiations with the Danes, which surely should have been his own contribution as Commander-in-Chief of the victorious fleet. The only possible reason, one can suppose, that Parker now asked the tired and battle-weary Nelson to do so was that he recognised Nelson’s fame was infinitely greater than his own. Since the Crown Prince must know that Nelson had really been the driving force behind the attack, he would be more respected for his opinions than would his senior officer. But, if the Admiralty’s original intention in sending Parker as senior officer was that he should act the diplomat - while to Nelson was left the business of action should it be necessary -their estimation of Parker was gravely at fault.

It was hardly surprising that a strong military guard had been placed upon the route that Nelson, suitably dressed for the occasion, had to take for his interview with the Crown Prince. Curiosity, a little admiration even, or - more likely - downright hostility might well have been expected from the citizens of Copenhagen, who had had the unenviable front-row seat at the spectacle of Nelson and the navy of Britain in action against their fleet and their city. But, says a Danish report, ‘The people did not degrade themselves with the former, nor disgrace themselves with the latter: the admiral was received as one brave enemy ever ought to receive another - he was received with respect.’ After a State Dinner, where all eyes inevitably were fixed upon this slight, somewhat undistinguished-looking, one-armed man who had just humbled the pride of their country, there was a formal meeting between Nelson, the Crown Prince and the Adjutant-General Hans Lindholm. The odds were two to one, and they had the further advantage over him that, though both spoke fluent English, Nelson had not a word of Danish.

From an account which Nelson later gave to Addington, who had succeeded Pitt as Prime Minister, it becomes clear that the Danes were as open-minded and honest with their temporary guest as was he with them:

His Royal Highness began the conversation by saying how happy he was to see me, and thanked me for my humanity to the wounded Danes. I then said it was to me, and would be the greatest affliction to every man in England, from the King to the lowest person, to think that Denmark had fired on the British flag, and become leagued with her enemies. His Royal Highness stopped me by saying that Admiral Parker had declared war against Denmark. This I denied, and requested His Royal Highness to send for the papers, and he would find the direct contrary, and that it was furthest from the thoughts of the British Admiral.

This in effect was true, for the guns of Cronenburg fortress had been the first to open fire upon the approaching British fleet. The fact remains that, whatever Sir Hyde Parker’s pacific and diplomatic intentions had been, Nelson had never entertained any other thought but of coming immediately to grips with the Danes unless they withdrew from their coalition with Russia. He was now given permission to speak his mind openly, which he did to no mean effect, pointing out that it was the unnatural alliance of Britain’s old friends the Danes with their enemies the Russians which had provoked the whole issue. The Prince for his part replied that Denmark would never be the enemy of England, but that his country could not tolerate interference with its lawful commerce such as the British had been practising, since Denmark was above all a trading nation.

The discussion went on in some depth over the whole matter of trading rights, freedom of navigation, and that perennially tricky question as to whether the commander of a convoy could be in a position to know whether there were contraband goods among the articles aboard the ships which came under his protection. The Prince then put the direct question : ‘For what is the British Fleet come into the Baltic?’ to which Nelson replied : ‘To crush a most formidable and unprovoked Coalition against Great Britain.’ In further conversation the Prince made it quite clear that it was fear of Russia which had provoked him into the coalition, adding that, ‘When all Europe is in such a dreadful state of confusion, it is absolutely necessary that States should be on their guard.’ Nelson requested a free entry of the British Fleet into Copenhagen, and access to such stores and materials as they might require. This was readily granted and the two men parted, after both had apologised for everything overheated that they might have said in the course of the argument. Everything was now set for a further discussion in which the whole matter of a formal Armistice might be settled. Although throughout this meeting the Crown Prince was necessarily acting under the duress of knowing that his capital was at that very moment under threat from the guns of the British Fleet, it was Nelson’s conduct of the whole affair which clinched matters. His evident appreciation of the Danish position vis-a-vis Russia, but his determination that he would yield nothing when his country’s life was at stake, coupled also with that vital charm which not even his detractors could ever gainsay, produced a satisfactory end to the day’s talks.

In the subsequent negotiations, at which Colonel Stewart was present, the point which caused most debate was the duration of the Armistice. Nelson argued for sixteen weeks, but the Danes would have preferred to make it much shorter, calculating possibly that a combined Russo-Swedish fleet would soon arrive and drive the British out of the Baltic. In the end, according to Stewart, ‘The point not being acceded to on either side, one of the Danish Commissioners hinted at the renewal of hostilities. Upon which Lord Nelson, who understood French sufficiently to make out what the Commissioner said (for the parley was conducted in this tongue), turned to one of his friends with warmth, and said : “Renew hostilities! Tell him that we are ready in a moment; ready to bombard this very night.” ’ The Commissioner apologised with politeness, and the business went on more amicably. The duration of the Armistice could not, however, be adjusted, and the conference broke up for reference to the Prince.

A levee was consequently held in one of the State Rooms, the whole of which were without furniture, from the apprehension of a bombardment. His Lordship then proceeded to a grand dinner upstairs, the Prince leading the way. Nelson, leaning on the arm of a friend, whispered, ‘Though I have only one eye, I see all this will bum very well!’

There was fortunately never any need for his threat to be implemented, for an Armistice was agreed upon to last fourteen weeks, ‘at the expiration of which time, it shall be in the power of either to declare a cessation of the same, and to recommence hostilities, upon giving fourteen days’ previous notice’. During the period of the Armistice Denmark was to suspend her part in the Armed Neutrality, while Copenhagen was to be left unharmed by the British, who might at the same time buy from the Danes what ships’ stores and other materials they required. News of the negotiations was taken home by Colonel Stewart and once again - as with Drinkwater - Nelson found in a military officer not only a fervent admirer but one who was eager to spread the word as to Nelson’s exhilarating spirit and unquestioned genius in the art of war. He took with him also official despatches, together with a letter from Nelson which exculpated the captains whose ships had run aground, and paid generous tribute to all who had been engaged in action. Captain Bligh of the
Glatton
, aware no doubt that since the
Bounty
affair his reputation was still somewhat suspect, had asked Nelson for a testimony to his good conduct. It was unnecessary, as Nelson well knew, for the
Glatton
had fought superbly throughout the action, but nevertheless he happily endorsed it in a letter to St Vincent: ‘His behaviour on this occasion can reap no additional credit from my testimony. He was my second, and the moment the Action ceased, I sent for him, on board the
Elephant
, to thank him for his support.’ At the same time he called attention to the case of Captain Thompson, who had sadly remarked : ‘I am now totally disabled and my career is run through, only at the age of 35.’ In those harsh days, whether officer or man (unless the officer had private means), it was often better to die in battle than to be left an unemployable wreck on England’s shores. On 9 April he also wrote to Emma Hamilton, a letter full of concern about the mythical Thompson’s child (Horatia’s wet-nurse had suffered from some disorder), and in a passing reference to his wife added that he did not, ‘nor cannot care about her’. At the same time his anguished jealousy had not abated, and he begged Emma not to ‘let your uncle [Sir William] persuade you to receive bad company. When you do your friend hopes he may be killed.’

The delay occasioned by the discussions and ratification of the Armistice, which was not finally signed until 9 April, was not at all to Nelson’s liking. He was eager to be off to Reval, to deal with the Russians. Although Danish resistance was now at an end, he rightly commented that: ‘I look upon the Northern League to be like a tree, of which Paul was the trunk, and Sweden and Denmark the branches.’ His desire was to ‘get at the trunk, and hew it down . . While he waited impatiently, Parker happily reverted to the inactivity which seems to have suited his nature. Before he left with the despatches for England Colonel Stewart carefully noted the behaviour of his hero when not in action, observing that he never left the ship except for his necessary formal visits to the Crown Prince :

His hour of rising was four or five o’clock, and of going to rest about ten; breakfast was never later than six, and generally nearer to five o’clock. A midshipman or two were always of the party; and I have known him send during the middle watch to invite the little fellows to breakfast with him when relieved. At table with them he would enter into their boyish jokes and be the most youthful of the party. At dinner he invariably had every officer of the ship in their turn, and was both a polite and hospitable host. The whole ordinary business of the fleet was invariably despatched, as it had been by Earl St Vincent, before eight o’clock.

Unlike the Nile, feelings about the Battle of Copenhagen were varied, and the honours accruing were parsimonious. Nelson himself was made a viscount, and he was privileged to invest Rear-Admiral Graves with the Order of the Bath on the quarter-deck of the
St George.
For the rest there was nothing. The sovereign's gold medal, which Nelson had said he valued more than a Dukedom, and which he had been awarded for the battles of St Vincent and the Nile, was withheld from him and from all his captains. Two of the latter had been killed, Thompson had lost a leg. and all of them had fought their ships throughout a longer and harder action than that at Aboukir Bay. No vote of thanks was accorded by the City of London to the very men who had saved Britain's trade and, in doing so, had saved the country from what might well have turned out to be economic defeat in the war. As for the seamen, the men who in the thunder of the guns had died in their hundreds, there was nothing at all — not even the small amount of prize money that might have come their way. Sir Hyde Parker (‘for he is rich and does not want it* as Nelson wrote to St Vincent) had ordered that, with the exception of one 74 to be used as a hospital ship for conveying the wounded to England, all the prizes were to be burned. This was due not only to indifference on Parker’s account towards the money, but to his apprehension that the Russians and the Swedes might combine their fleets. In the event of their approach, and his putting out to meet them, he thought it would be folly to leave so many Danish ships behind them. His thinking, here as in every other aspect of the campaign, was not only hesitant but timorous. Nelson in his letter to St Vincent put the matter in its right terms: