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Authors: Arthur G. Sharp

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GOUVERNEUR MORRIS

New York, New York
January 31, 1752–November 6, 1816
Hard to Take at Times

Gouverneur Morris, one of the principal writers of the United States Constitution, entered the limelight in the early 1770s. Over the course of his adult years, he fought with his family over the issue of allegiance to independence, served in the army in the Revolutionary War, left the country for ten years, came back, and picked up where he left off. The man with the oddly spelled name was a boon to the United States throughout its growing-up years.

Family Feud

Not many people were gifted enough to enter King's College at age twelve. Gouverneur Morris was one of the few. He began his studies in 1764 and graduated from the college four years later. Too young to start a career at age sixteen, he went on to earn a master's degree in 1771, and followed that with three years of study with the noted New York law scholar William Smith.

Smith, a fervid opponent of British tax policies, introduced Morris to leading New York patriots such as John Jay and Alexander Hamilton. They helped Morris begin his political career.

Once Morris passed the bar exam, he entered the political arena. In 1775, he was elected to the independence-minded, similarly named—and extralegal—New York Provincial Congress, which patriots organized as an alternative to the colony's “official” pro-British legislative body, the Province of New York Assembly. The New York Provincial Congress immediately declared itself the official government on May 22, 1775.

Morris's commitment to independence extracted a dear price: a schism with his family and friends. One of his pet peeves during the Revolutionary War era was Tories, a faction that included his mother, half-brother, and even his mentor William Smith, who became a Tory because he did not favor the New Yorkers' move toward independence.

Early in the war Morris advocated reasoning with colonists who stayed loyal to the king. Later, he supported harsher methods, such as tarring and feathering, whippings, and confiscation of property.

Morris's half-brother, Staats Long Morris (1728–1800), fought in the British army, and became a major general. After the Constitutional Convention of 1787 ended, Gouverneur bought the family estate in New York City from him and moved in.

Morris was unperturbed by the family rift at first. The loss of family ties did not deter him from seeking independence for the colonies.

Politics and War: Whatever It Takes

Morris served in the New York Provincial Congress for two years and the Continental Congress for another two (1777–79).

In 1778, patriots formed a committee to meet with British Prime Minister Lord North's conciliation commissioners. Morris chaired the committee and presented a report adopted by a unanimous vote of Congress that declared that the recognition of independence must precede any negotiations for peace.

He also served in the army for a while, even though he was exempt because of his status as a congressional delegate. And he maintained his separation from his family, although he and his mother later reconciled.

Morris moved to Philadelphia in 1780 and resumed his law career. There he published a series of papers on finance and served as the assistant to superintendent of finance Robert Morris (no relation). He prepared an illuminating report in 1782 that discussed coinage and its inclusion in the American currency system. He suggested that the nation base its currency on the decimal system. But it was not until after the war ended that Gouverneur Morris demonstrated his true value to the United States.

REVOLUTIONARY REVELATIONS

Gouverneur Morris invented the word “cent.”

Some Bizarre Ideas

The state of Pennsylvania elected Morris to represent it at the Constitutional Convention of 1787. That was a surprise to Morris. He had a reputation for bluntness and cynicism that he suspected would not be tolerated at the convention. He attended nonetheless—and became one of the lead authors of the U.S. Constitution.

REVOLUTIONARY REVELATIONS

Gouverneur Morris had experience writing constitutions. He had written almost the entire New York Constitution a decade earlier.

Morris had some bizarre ideas about what he wanted for the new U.S. government. He opted for a strong executive who could stay in office as long as he exhibited good behavior and an aristocratic Senate appointed by the president for life. He also tried to insert a clause that guaranteed in perpetuity the political supremacy of the states east of the Allegheny Mountains. Those measures failed.

On the other hand, he helped secure the executive veto and preserve the popular vote for president by defeating a proposal allowing the legislature to elect the president. After the debate over the Constitution ended, Morris wrote the final draft and then went back to New York.

From Pillar to Post

Morris left the United States on a business trip in 1789 and did not return for a decade.

While he was in Europe, he served as the American minister to France. But in a throwback to his reputation as an outspoken cynic back home, he openly showed contempt for the ongoing French Revolution. The French government asked the United States to recall him, which it did. He came home and picked up where he left off, resuming his law career and re-entering politics. He served three years in the United States Senate and took an interest in improving transportation from the eastern part of the country to the interior. He was active in a number of ventures, such as spearheading the project to build the Erie Canal, which contributed significantly to the western development of the United States.

Morris being Morris, he often aggravated other politicians. He was outspoken against the War of 1812 to the point where he promoted the creation of a northern confederacy of states to eliminate the rule of the “Virginia dynasty.” It was radical proposals like this that separated Morris from his contemporaries and the views of the Founding Fathers.

As critical as he could be sometimes, Morris never lost his love for a free and independent United States. That is what he had worked so hard for throughout his career. Some people had to have a strong constitution to stomach him at times but because of his efforts, that is what the United States ended up with: a strong constitution.

ROBERT MORRIS

Liverpool, England
January 20, 1734–May 8, 1806
America's Financial Guru

Robert Morris was the Founding Fathers' go-to person when they needed financial advice. He served at various times—and often simultaneously—during the Revolutionary era as the chairman of the Secret Committee of Trade and the Pennsylvania Committee on Safety, a member of the Committee on Correspondence, the superintendent of finance, and agent of marine. Morris was also a U.S. Senator from Pennsylvania; signer of the Declaration of Independence, the Articles of Confederation, and the United States Constitution; a delegate to the Second Continental Congress … and that was just a start. Despite his accomplishments, he ended his business career in debtors' prison, which was not the fate either he or the Founding Fathers anticipated. He was the only Founding Father to suffer that fate.

Financing a Revolution

When the Revolutionary War began, Morris was a business partner with Thomas Willing in Philadelphia. At the time, their mercantile venture, which included shipping and real estate operations, among others, was the largest business of its kind in the city. Morris had something that the revolution's leaders needed: financial acumen. He also had the ability to produce the supplies and products the government needed to support the war effort. His politics were unpredictable at best.

FEDERAL FACTS

From 1775 to 1777, the federal government awarded nearly $500,000 in contracts to Willing and Morris, and another $290,000 to other partnerships in which Morris was involved. The government's total purchases were $2 million.

Willing to Follow

The delegates to the Second Continental Congress in Philadelphia were not sure which way Morris would vote on independence as they debated the issue. He voted against the resolution of independence on July 1, 1776. The next day he did not vote at all. After Congress adopted the resolution on July 4, he signed it. From that point on he threw himself into the American cause, primarily as a financier.

Quotations to Live (and Die) By!

“I
AM NOT ONE OF THOSE POLITICIANS THAT RUN TESTY WHEN MY OWN PLANS ARE NOT ADOPTED.
I
THINK IT IS THE DUTY OF A GOOD CITIZEN TO FOLLOW WHEN HE CANNOT LEAD
.”

—R
OBERT
M
ORRIS, REGARDING THE
D
ECLARATION OF
I
NDEPENDENCE

Washington Turns to Morris

By the end of 1776, the federal government was in dire financial straits. That was particularly stressful for George Washington, who needed the money to supply troops to fight the British. Congress thoughtfully ordered that $5 million worth of paper money be issued to help him. But few people outside the government were willing to use the currency.

Washington, who was not above putting Morris on the spot occasionally, appealed to him to raise enough hard money to back the government-issued currency. Even the normally confident Morris was not sure he could oblige.

Morris had a reputation for honesty and integrity among the people who knew him best. While he was trying to figure out a way to raise the hard currency Washington requested, he met a wealthy Quaker who was aware of the quandary. The gentleman asked Morris what security he provided for a loan. “My note and my honor,” Morris said. That was enough for the potential lender. The next day Morris forwarded $50,000 to General Washington.

Even though he doubted his own abilities at times, Morris continued tirelessly throughout the war to raise funds from various sources. He used his personal credit frequently. Morris and several Philadelphians established a bank in the city that sustained the army's operations for most of 1780.

In 1781, when Washington was having trouble raising funds to conduct his campaign to chase the British out of Virginia, Morris borrowed $20,000 from French navy commander Count François-Joseph de Grasse. He promised to repay it in October, although he had no idea where he would get the money. De Grasse provided the loan, which helped Washington drive General Charles Cornwallis and his British forces out of Virginia.

Luckily for Morris, Colonel Henry Laurens arrived in Boston on August 25 that year with $1 million that he had secured from the French government to support the American cause. Morris used part of that subsidy to repay de Grasse.

Morris continued to apply his financial wizardry through the rest of the war—but with a title. Congress named him the superintendent of finance in 1781. Having a title did not make his job any easier. Nevertheless, he continued to find ways to finance the war and get the government on sound footing afterwards, using his own and other people's money, until he stepped down from his post in 1784.

FEDERAL FACTS

Morris took his responsibilities as superintendent of finance seriously: He cut government spending significantly by using competitive bidding for contracts, tightened accounting procedures, demanded that the states forward to the federal government their full shares of money and supplies, proposed a national bank, and conceived a plan to eliminate the federal government's debt—which the states defeated.

Personal Profit

Morris was not entirely selfless in his efforts; he did profit personally from the war. He had his own fleet of privateers that seized British merchant vessels. Then he helped sell their cargoes when they arrived in port and pocketed part of the revenue. While he was superintendent of finance, he maintained silent partnerships in many of the companies that were doing business with the federal government.

His efforts to enrich himself notwithstanding, Morris worked diligently to earn the label “Financier of the Revolution.” Sadly, he was not as successful at financing his own dealings after the war ended.

Off to Prison

A series of financial setbacks after the war led to financial ruin for Morris. The Panic of 1797 affected his extensive land holdings adversely. He was imprisoned for debt in February 1798 and remained incarcerated until August 1801.

The man who almost single-handedly kept the country afloat financially in its fledgling years died five years after he left prison. He was in poor health and practically penniless. But he still had his pride, a supportive wife of thirty-seven years, and a legacy as a founder of a country that had relied on him for its existence.

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