Ottoman Brothers: Muslims, Christians, and Jews in Early Twentieth-Century Palestine (56 page)

^14.
Kechriotis, “Greeks of Izmir at the End of the Empire,” 60.

^15.
Karpat lists two hundred thousand foreign citizens resident in the empire in 1906–7, although this is likely a significant undercount. Karpat,
Ottoman Population.

^16.
Consular records of citizens and protégés in the province list 1,400–1,600 Americans, 4,000–5,000 Austrians, 500 British, over 1,000 French, and 770 Germans. The number of Russians is unknown. On the United States see: Thomas Wallace, U.S. Consul in Jerusalem, contribution for publication in the daily consular trade reports, October 6, 1908 (file 3943/373); NACP, National Archives microfilm publication M862, roll 359, Jerusalem, numerical file, 1906–10, central files of the Department of State, record group 59. On Great Britain see: Great Britain Diplomatic and Consular Reports, Turkey, report for the year 1909 on the trade of the consular district of Jerusalem, June 1910, ISA 67, peh/455:462; on France see: Jerusalem to Paris, June 2, 1912, MAEF, box 430; on Germany see: Dr. Brode to von Bethmann Hollweg, February 13, 1912, ISA 67, peh/418:77; on Austro-Hungary, see Eliav,
Be-
asut mamlekhet Austria.

^17.
Dr. Brode to von Bethmann Hollweg, February 5, 1913. ISA 67, peh/418:77.

^18.
Thomas Wallace, U.S. Consul in Jerusalem, contribution for publication in the daily consular trade reports, October 6, 1908 (file 3943/373); NACP, National Archives microfilm publication M862, roll 359, Jerusalem, numerical file, 1906–10, central files of the Department of State, record group 59.

^19.
Ha-
erut
, January 20, 1911.

^20.
Yellin,
Les Capitulations et la juridiction consulaire
, 10.

^21.
For an argument that Ottoman citizenship was reactive to the Balkan states' policies, see Iordachi, “The Ottoman Empire.” Functionally, after 1869 the state ceased recognizing the Hellenic nationality of Ottoman Greek Orthodox within the empire, instead arguing that though they might remain Hellenic citizens while in the Greek kingdom, they were Ottoman citizens when in the empire and therefore subject to the same taxes and laws as other Ottomans. Kechriotis, “Greeks of Izmir at the End of the Empire,” 58–60.

^22.
Anderson,
Imagined Communities
, 86.

^23.
Quoted in Ali Haydar Midhat Bey,
Life of Midhat Pasha
, 157–58.

^24.
Makdisi, “After 1860,” 602 and 606.

^25.
Mardin, “Some Consideration,” 175.

^26.
Deguilheim, “State Civil Education in Late Ottoman Damascus,” 222.

^27.
Petrov, “Everyday Forms of Compliance.” Ariel Salzman refers to this as “vernacular political systems” in “Citizens in Search of a State.”

^28.
Rahme, “Namik Kemal's Constitutional Ottomanism and Non-Muslims.”

^29.
Quoted in Heinzelmann, “Die Konstruktion eines osmanischen Patriotismus,” 41–42.

^30.
Quoted in Davison, “Turkish Attitudes Concerning Christian-Muslim Equality,” 862.

^31.
Tevfik,
Yeni Osmanlilar
, 201–5. The hadith also appeared on the masthead of the Beiruti
Nafīr Sūrīyā
in 1860 and
Al-Jinān
in 1870. Zachs,
Making of a Syrian Identity, 167.

^32.
Karpat,
Politicization of Islam
, 330–35; quote is on page 331. I have changed Karpat's translation of
vatan
from “fatherland” to “homeland.” However, I disagree with Karpat's conclusion that Kemal's Ottomanism was a proto-Turkish nationalism. See also Tavakoli-Targhi, “From Patriotism to Matriotism,” for Iranian notions of homeland.

^33.
Emin,
Development of Modern Turkey
, 73.

^34.
For example the Greek-Orthodox journalist Theodor Kassap repeatedly embraced the Ottomanist project in his newspapers, declaring that “the whole world knows I am a pure Ottoman [Osmanlioğlu Osmanli, lit. ‘Ottoman son of an Ottoman'] and that I am proud of my Ottomanism.” Quoted in Strauss, “Ottomanisme et ‘Ottomanité,'” 36. On the Judeo-Spanish press' role in constructing an Ottoman Jewish loyalty and identity, see Cohen, “Fashioning Imperial Citizens.”

^35.
Abu Manneh, “Christians Between Ottomanism and Syrian Nationalism,” 296.

^36.
Nafīr Sūrīyā
, November 19, 1860, and
Al-Jinān
, vol. 1, no. 14 (1870), quoted in Zachs,
Making of a Syrian Identity
, 165–66.

^37.
Quoted in Khuri,
Modern Arab Thought
, 144–45.

^38.
Cole,
Colonialism and Revolution in the Middle East.

^39.
Quoted in Khuri,
Modern Arab Thought
, 48.

^40.
Quoted in Tavakoli-Targhi, “From Patriotism to Matriotism,” 98–99.

^41.
Strauss, “Ottomanisme et ‘Ottomanité,'” 21–23.

^42.
For a similiar argument, see Dawn, “Origins of Arab Nationalism,” 8.

^43.
Gellner, Nations and Nationalism.

^44.
Fortna,
Imperial Classroom.

^45.
Ibid., 64–70 and 99. Fortna reports that many Bulgarian schoolteachers and inspectors in the Bulgarian private schools in Macedonia were political propagandists and revolutionaries.

^46.
Ibid., 53.

^47.
Kedourie, Chatham House Version, 328; Harshav, Language in Time of Revolution; Rodrigue, Images of Sephardi and Eastern Jewries.

^48.
Strohmeier, “Muslim Education in the Vilayet of Beirut.” Quotes from 216–17, 219, and 226.

^49.
See R. Khalidi,
Palestinian Identity
, 49.

^50.
Deguilheim, “State Civil Education in Late Ottoman Damascus.”

^51.
Fortna,
Imperial Classroom
, 103.

^52.
Kasmieh, “Ruhi al-Khalidi.” The English-run Evelina de Rothschild school in Jerusalem was a prestigious path for girls from good families. In Damascus in 1872 there were twenty-six girls' maktabs with 294 students and six Christian girls' schools with 326 students. Deguilheim, “State Civil Education in Late Ottoman Damascus,” 230–31.

^53.
Salzmann, “Citizens in Search of a State,” 49.

^54.
Erdem, “Recruitment for the ‘Victorious Soldiers of Muhammad'.”

^55.
Krikorian,
Armenians in the Service of the Ottoman Empire
, 23; and Fortna,
Imperial Classroom
, 97.

^56.
See Deringil, “From Ottoman to Turk.”

^57.
Davison, “Turkish Attitudes,” 861. See also Devereaux,
First Ottoman Constitutional Period
, for the difficulties that Midhat Pasha had on this question.

^58.
Davison, “Turkish Attitudes,” 23.

^59.
Kechriotis, “Greeks of Izmir at the End of the Empire,” 58–60.

^60.
Erdem, “Recruitment for the ‘Victorious Soldiers of Muhammad.'”

^61.
Deringil, “From Ottoman to Turk,” 328.

^62.
Quoted in Strauss, “Ottomanisme et ‘Ottomanité,'” 39.

^63.
Ha-Hashkafa
, August 9, 1908.

^64.
Al-Manār
, September 25, 1908.

^65.
Al-Bustani,
‘Ibra wa-dhikra
, 90–104.

^66.
Al-Manār
, September 25, 1908.

^67.
Al-Bustani,
‘Ibra wa-dhikra
, 100.

^68.
Al-Manār
September 25, 1908.

^69.
Al-Manār
, July 28, 1908.

^70.
“The Constitution in Turkey [sic],”
Ha-‘Olam
, July 29, 1908.

^71.
U.S. Consul in Aleppo to Secretary of State, August 5, 1908, quoted in Watenpaugh, “Bourgeois Modernity,” 37.

^72.
Gilbert Bie Ravndal, U.S. Consul in Beirut, to the US Department of State, August 4, 1908 (file 10044/54–55); NACP, National Archives microfilm publication M862, roll 717, Beirut, numerical file, 1906–10, central files of the Department of State, record group 59.

^73.
Wallace, August 12, 1908. He later corrected the incorrect report that Jews had been allowed inside the Holy Sepulcher; instead, they had been allowed on the street outside of it. For a similar report from Beirut see Ravndal, August 4, 1908.

^74.
Kemal Karpat cites Ottoman records which stated that the population of Hebron district was forty thousand Muslims and five hundred Jews. Karpat,
Ottoman Population
, 166. Contemporary newspaper accounts list the Jewish population as one thousand.

^75.
Ha-Hashkafa
, August 21, 1908.

^76.
ava
elet
, August 12, 1908.