Rearing Wolves to Our Own Destruction: Slavery in Richmond Virginia, 1782–1865 (34 page)

Read Rearing Wolves to Our Own Destruction: Slavery in Richmond Virginia, 1782–1865 Online

Authors: Midori Takagi

Tags: #Social Science, #Ethnic Studies, #African American Studies, #test

BOOK: Rearing Wolves to Our Own Destruction: Slavery in Richmond Virginia, 1782–1865
8.6Mb size Format: txt, pdf, ePub
Source:
Dew,
Ironmaker to the Confederacy,
27.
 
Page 85
is often compelled to pay exorbitant wages for those of inferior grade, and of bad character and habits, men who war against our institutions, and refuse to work with our slaves. The contractors on the canal estimate the superiority of slave labour over white labour, in cost of wages, as one to two, and in physical endurance and efficiency, in the ratio of three to two." Persuaded by the chief's proposal, the company's board of directors arranged to start training slaves in the art of stonemasonry. Within several months about thirty slave men had learned to "quarry, drill and cut stone quite as well as the majority of the white men passing about on the line offering their services as journeymen."
40
In the tobacco factories it was not slave promotions so much as new steps added to the production process that helped increase the number of workers. One new step was the addition of flavors to the plugs. Tobacconists had hoped to attract more chewers by sweetening the leaves with a mixture of licorice and sugar to give tobacco a "sweetish taste which renders it not perfectly abhorrent to those who chew it," as one ex-slave noted.
41
Flavoring the leaves added several steps between the stemming and lumping stages. While one group of workers moistened the leaves and removed the backbone, a second group prepared the licorice and sugar in large cauldrons over a slow, steady fire.
42
Once the mixture reached the correct consistency, the tobacco leaves were immersed in the liquid by a group of "dippers." After the dunking, the tobacco was laid out to dry and to absorb the flavoring. It was then seasoned with rum or spice before being lumped and twisted into plugs. Finally, the plugs were shaped, pressed several more times by other workers, wrapped with tin strips, and boxed for shipping. Altogether, the new process for producing chewing plugs required six or seven steps performed by as many groups of workers.
High industrial demands for bond labor had a tremendous impact on slaveholding and employment trends by raising the costs.
43
Even though slave workers were touted as being cheaper than free labor, the cost of slave laborers increased and most likely precipitated the decline of bond labor in smaller businesses between 1840 and 1860. It was during these years that the small shop run by an owner and a slave assistant a common working arrangement of the early nineteenth century rapidly became a relic. In an 1840 sample of ninety-two households identified as craft shops a category that included carriage and chair makers, wheelwrights, and tanners forty-nine (53.2 percent) employed or owned slaves. Twenty years later, however, only 24 out of 113 shops (21 percent) held slaves.
44
The high cost of slave workers persuaded even some larger businesses to use alternative forms of labor. Milberger Smith, proprietor of the
 
Page 86
American, a popular hotel, for example, began hiring Irish women as dining room servants, "positions earlier held by slave men."
45
A competing hotel in Richmond retained slave dining room servants but began hiring Irish women as chambermaids. Apparently these employment changes were dramatic enough to attract the attention of visitors such as William Chambers. He recalled: "[Having] arrived at Richmond . . . I was transferred to a hotel, which proved to be no way inferior to the establishments in the states further north. The whole of the waiters were negroes, in white jackets; but among the female domestics I recognized one or two Irish girls the sight of them helping to make good what I had everywhere heard stated about the Irish dispossessing the coloured races."
46
The changes occurring in small-sized businesses and those Chambers noticed at his hotel apparently were happening across the city at various establishments. The increased slave labor prices led some industrialists like J.R. Anderson, president of Tredegar, to reconsider his threat of replacing all white workers with slaves. Although he did purchase and hire a number of bondmen, he never converted his entire workforce from free to slave. The number of slave ironmakers widely fluctuated, reaching a high of 117 in 1848 to a mere 47 in 1853.
In spite of these notable labor changes, substituting free laborers for slave workers was not a popular trend among large businesses even though immigrants constituted the fastest-growing portion of the laboring class; between 1850 and 1860, foreign-born workingmen increased 166 percent.
47
The tobacco industries, for example, continued to hire predominantly slave laborers regardless of increasing costs.
48
Furthermore, it appears that the labor switch occurred in industries "which had traditionally been the preserve of white workers."
49
Therefore, the switch from slave to free labor, particularly in the case of Tredegar, must be viewed not as a rejection of slaves but as a continual switch between the two labor forces whenever it suited the employer. Anderson, for example, continued to hire and purchase bond workers in spite of increasing costs throughout the antebellum era, which indicates that he found benefits to using a mixture of slave and free labor that went beyond costs.
50
Although slave employment practices did not significantly change within the large industries as it did in the small-sized businesses, the changes that did occur had a significant impact on the working and living conditions of bond men and women. Figures based on the 1840 census and a sample taken from the 1860 slave schedule indicate that a significant percentage of slave laborers worked and lived not in small households with one or two other slaves but in groups ranging from four
 
Page 87
to ninety-nine other bond workers a trend that increased over time (table 16).
High slave labor costs additionally affected bond men and women in terms of their demographics. Census data indicate that between 1840 and 1860 the male slave population was overwhelmingly concentrated between the ages of ten and thirty-six. The percentage of slave men in that age bracket increased from 63 (2,490) to 76 (5,043) (table 17). Among slave women an opposing trend can be observed. The percentage of slave women of childbearing ages (who generally commanded higher prices because of their childbearing capabilities) declined while the figures for young girls and older women increased. Women between the ages of ten and thirty-six constituted 54 percent of the female slave population in 1840 and only 43 percent by 1860 (see table 17). Girls younger than ten years old, however, rose from 20 to 22 percent between 1840 and 1860, while women older than thirty-six increased from 25 to 34 percent during the late antebellum era.
These demographic shifts were not the result of natural population changes. Obviously the slave workers who remained in the city were chosen on the basis of their capabilities and their hiring and purchasing costs. Industries overwhelmingly chose young men because of their skills and physical abilities, while households found young girls and older women to be as able to cook, clean, and act as personal maids as young
Table 16. Slaveholding patterns, 1840 and 1860
No. of slaves
Year
No. of households
%
No. of slaves
%
Total
1
1840
286
29
386
9
983
1860
99
39.6
99
7.3
250
a
2
1840
238
24
476
11
1.0

Other books

Secrets of a Career Girl by Carol Marinelli
Credo by Hans Küng
In Loco Parentis by Nigel Bird
Getting the Boot by Peggy Guthart Strauss
The Flame and the Flower by Kathleen E. Woodiwiss
Society Girls: Waverly by Crystal Perkins
The Belting Inheritance by Julian Symons
Until I Found You by Bylin, Victoria