Authors: Francis Bennett
When it comes to it, he doesn’t hesitate, doesn’t consider his options because he hasn’t any. He gives his reply like the response to an order, a reflex action born out of years of doing his duty.
‘Yes.’
Oh, God, what was he going to do?
He couldn’t understand what the guard was saying because he was speaking in Hungarian. He tried talking in Russian but the man either couldn’t or wouldn’t respond. The sign language told him he was being asked to stand up but he remained lying on the bed, feigning incomprehension. The guard shouted this time, gesturing with his hands for him to get to his feet. He did nothing. Exasperated, the guard grabbed him by the shoulders and pulled him upright. The cell door was unlocked and he was escorted down a brightly lit corridor. It was the first time he had been moved from his cell in three days.
In that short time the depression that had accompanied his loss of freedom following his arrest had slowly given way, if not to hope, at least to the realization that, in prison, the real battle is in the mind. Physically, there was no contest. He could not break down the bars nor shatter the locks that held him captive. He was their prisoner and would remain so for as long as they chose. Come to terms with the reality you can’t defeat, he told himself. Accept the loss of your freedom, learn the new rules of your life, acclimatize yourself to the system and accept you are a physical part of it, otherwise you will go mad.
When they question you, give nothing away.
Until they destroy your mind, the freedom of the imagination remains yours. They cannot shackle what you think. But he saw the dangers of that. Let your imagination roam too wide and you will come up against the barriers you can’t break, the solid walls and barbed wire that keep you captive. That way could lead to madness. Focus your mind. Make it work for you. Fight them with your imagination. That was the battleground – your mind against theirs,
a psychological contest where the odds, if not even, were a damn sight narrower.
The more you say the more they think you know.
He still retained control of what he said, until they ceased to listen to him or destroyed his ability to speak coherently, and within the limits of the prison, he could control how far he went along with what they wanted of him.
He would play games of mental resistance with his jailers. He would be difficult, changeable, unpredictable, obliging, obstinate, understanding, obtuse. There would be no pattern to his behaviour. What he accepted today, he would reject tomorrow and accept again the day after. They would not be able to take him for granted. That way he would keep himself alive in the face of the deadening oppression of the prison regime. He would test them to discover the limits to what they could tolerate. He saw himself engaged in a process of discovery. How far would they let him go in his challenge to their authority? He could show them there was still another battle to be fought and won and that he would be a tricky, difficult adversary. If nothing else, he would get them to respect him.
The more they think you know, the more they will want from you.
He was led into an interrogation room.
*
‘When were you born, who are your parents, where do you live, what do you do? And why are you in our country without a visa?’
‘I’m a British citizen. I demand to see the British ambassador.’
Would he be hit or dragged back to his cell and beaten up? Nothing happened. His request was translated, ignored, and the interrogation continued.
Who was he working with?
No answer.
Who was he working for?
No one. He was alone (this reluctantly).
How had he made contact with traitors to the peoples’ democratic state?
He had met no one.
He was arrested with a girl. Who was she? (Some fumbling among papers here. They didn’t know her name.)
The girl was nothing to do with him. They’d stopped to give her a lift.
There was laughter at that.
‘You cannot expect us to believe that.’
‘You have to believe it because it is true. I don’t know who the girl is. I’ve never seen her before. She is nothing to do with me.’
‘She is in prison.’
This was the first moment of confrontation, his first test. They wanted him to incriminate the girl. If he protested too loudly they would have the information they wanted. Did they need it, though? If they’d got her in prison, they could do with her what they liked. The thought made him anxious. What would they do with her? She was young, a child. Surely they’d let her go. If they had her in the first place, that is. Perhaps they were lying.
‘I have told you what I know. I have nothing more to say.’
Who had given him the papers he was found with? Who were they for?
‘Tell him I had no papers when I was arrested. I don’t know what he’s talking about.’
The interpreter repeated in Hungarian what he had said. The officer listened carefully, wrote in his notebook and asked another question.
‘He says you were arrested with papers that show you are part of a Western conspiracy to destabilize our country. He does not have these papers with him here but he has seen them. He has seen the signatures of British politicians, Eden and Macmillan on the papers. Others too. There is no doubt about their authenticity. The evidence is overwhelming.’
‘I am a British citizen,’ he replied. ‘I demand to see the British ambassador.’
He made the same request at intervals to test what happened. The officer ignored the question, behaving as if Leman hadn’t spoken at all. After an hour he was returned to his cell. In that time he had told them nothing. He was pleased about that.
Hart caught the backwash of rumour and gossip that raced round the embassy following Carswell’s brief visit. Who was he? FO? SIS? Or some government agent from an anonymous Whitehall department? Was he a secret Treasury man, spying on their expenditure? Hart knew, of course, but publicly maintained the deceit that Carswell was a Foreign Office official, losing out to the more popular view that whatever cover Carswell had assumed (something to do with Resources Management, someone said), he was in Budapest on a special mission arising out of the growing political crisis.
What mission? Here Hart was no clearer than anyone else. When they met briefly on the morning of his departure, Carswell was giving nothing away. The intimacy they had achieved weeks before over lunch at his club was nowhere to be seen. Hart came away disappointed.
The story rapidly took root that Carswell had been discussing emergency plans to evacuate the staff in the event of a revolution. Wives and families were to be airlifted out at the first sign of trouble, followed by non-essential staff. As many as possible of those remaining were to be housed in the embassy. Only in the event of full-scale war would the embassy be closed. The timing of his visit, coinciding with the news about Leman’s arrest, was seen to be inspired. London, for once, was way ahead of the action.
Hart was sceptical that London should think of anything before it happened. He sided with those few who believed that renewed government concern about possible Soviet infiltration lay behind Carswell’s visit. There were enough hints from London to suggest that. What the Government feared was a new defection to Moscow.
‘If another British agent ends up in Moscow, the US will be out of the special relationship like a scalded cat,’ Carswell had been overheard to say, or so Hart was assured. The verdict was that he had come to question Martineau about the loyalties of some of his colleagues in the Service.
Martineau himself gave nothing away. His behaviour remained as it had always been. Hart kept as close an eye on him as he could but learned nothing.
The telephone rang. She awoke with a start and looked at her watch. It was a little after two in the afternoon. She must have dozed off.
‘Yes?’
‘Mrs Balassi?’ The voice at the other end was not one she recognized. ‘We have some translation work we’d like you to do for us.’
Work always came through the union, that way she could be sure it was official. It was a way of keeping out of trouble. ‘Who is this?’
She recognized the name of the ministry. The speaker refused to identify himself. ‘We would like you to do the work here, in our office. We will send a car for you. Fifteen minutes? It will be waiting for you in the street.’
She changed her clothes, put a comb through her hair and looked out from behind the print curtains. The black official car was already there. She scribbled a hurried note for Dora and went downstairs.
‘Mrs Balassi?’ An unsmiling man held the door open for her. The journey was short, past the Parliament buildings to the Ministry of Education in Academy Street. She was ushered into the main entrance where she was issued with a pass. She was shown to the lift, a series of boxes that moved continuously up and down – no protective cage, simply a space which you occupied by jumping in and left by jumping out.
‘Go to the fourth floor. You will be met there.’
She was taken along a corridor, through a secretarial office (neither of the two women urgently typing looked up as she came in) and into a meeting room filled with a large table and chairs. A tall elderly man rose to his feet as she entered.
‘Thank you for coming so promptly. I hope we haven’t inconvenienced you. Please, sit down. May I offer you some coffee?’
They were alone in the room. No papers. No officials. She would have expected others to be present, a fussing secretary, forms to be signed. This was unorthodox to say the least. Better be careful.
‘You must be wondering what this is all about.’ He smiled in an attempt to reassure her. To do that he would have to give her his name and she knew he wouldn’t tell her who he was. ‘We need your help. We have some papers we want translated into English.’
‘May I see them?’
‘In a moment. First there are things I must tell you.’ He was in
his seventies, silver hair brushed back off his forehead, tall, expensively dressed in a dark suit. Not a minister. She would have recognized him if he had been. He didn’t look like a civil servant, too smooth (too old?). He was a government fixer, a man who had bargained his own relationship with the regime; there were others like him she knew who did their dirty work when called upon to do so. She wondered what freedoms he had negotiated in return for being on call.
He opened an envelope and extracted some pages which he looked through. He had very long fingers, carefully manicured nails. When he bent towards her she smelled the faint aroma of something sweet, reminding her of vanilla.
‘I believe in candour, Mrs Balassi. It is better to take you into our confidence at the outset. I wouldn’t want you to think we would insult your intelligence by not giving you a context within which to work. These papers I am about to give you are private letters, memoranda, official documents. All British. However, as they are not genuine, they are written in Hungarian by our own people. Our first task is to get them translated into English, convincing English. Then we will set about making successful forgeries of incriminating documents that we will tell the world fell into our hands when we arrested the British spy, Leman. I hope nothing I have said shocks you.’
She didn’t know what to say. She shook her head and smiled. There was nothing incriminating about a smile, and it couldn’t be picked up by a tape recorder.
Leman was now in custody awaiting trial, he said. ‘If we believed in God, we might say he was a gift from heaven. He was on his way to Budapest to meet some counter-revolutionary elements in the Writers’ Union. He made contact with a band of students, one of whom works for us.’ For a moment his narrative hesitated as if he was weighing up what to say. ‘At the appropriate moment, she delivered him into our hands.’
He pulled out a silver cigarette case from his pocket and lit a cigarette with a slim silver lighter. He did not offer one to Eva.
‘Now, you will agree that, in our constant battle with the West, capturing an uninvited Englishman inside our borders is not an event that happens every day. You will understand why we cannot let such an opportunity pass unnoticed. Hence your presence this afternoon,
and our request that you work carefully on these documents so that we may present to the world authentic evidence of the West’s malevolent intentions towards our country. Does my explanation cause you any difficulty?’
Again the cautious smile, the shake of the head. No words.
‘I need hardly add that we wouldn’t want anyone to know about this. But I don’t need to tell you that, do I? I know from your record that you have often worked confidentially in the past. You come with an enviable reputation, Mrs Balassi, and not only as an athlete. Now, if you have no questions, I should leave you alone to get on with your task.’
As he went past her, he squeezed her shoulder. If it was a secret sign, she read its message. Her role was noted, transcribed, a matter of record. She was an accomplice in the crime. Betray the secret and there was only one punishment possible. The regime already had its dirty fingers round her throat. Now it was signalling that it was ready to squeeze the life out of her.
To: Director C
From: Deputy-Director C
Status: Strictly confidential
Subject: Hungary
Date: 24 July 1956
We face an increasingly difficult situation in our response to events in Hungary which demands resolution.
For some weeks now we have been receiving reports from Martineau that the country is moving inexorably towards an uprising which the Soviets will use their superior military strength to suppress with great ferocity. We have given little credibility so far to what Martineau has been telling us, and precious little support, largely because our concerns have been to preserve our position in Suez against what we believed was the more immediate danger posed by President Nasser’s threat to nationalize the Canal.
The case for attending to Hungary has been further
undermined by the Peter Group’s report and our need to respond to its damaging allegations about Martineau and indeed the credibility of Merton House. This has not been helped by the Government’s appointment of the Junior Minister at the Foreign Office to investigate those claims. Over the years, Watson-Jones has made it clear that he is no friend to Merton House, and in his recent conduct as chairman of this committee we see no reason to change our opinion. We have had to dig deep into our resources to battle against his damaging prejudices. That battle is not yet won.
We took the view, and I am sure at the time this was right, to give little or no credence to Martineau’s views on Hungary because to be seen to support Martineau when he was under suspicion of being a traitor would have been potentially damaging to Merton House. (It was doubly unfortunate that the Treasury was conducting its annual review of the next round of government spending at the same time.)
That situation may now have changed. Following my visit to Budapest, we now know, if we didn’t already, that Martineau is not a traitor, and we are reasonably sure that Watson-Jones’s investigating committee will have little or nothing to say for itself when it finally completes its task.
Following my discussions with Martineau and the limited evidence of my own eyes, I believe it is time for us to put Hungary back on the agenda and to review our policy. I am sure Martineau is right when he says there will be a bloodbath in the streets of Budapest if nothing is done. What are our options?
1 We do nothing, many Hungarian citizens are killed, the Soviets are victorious, Soviet hegemony remains untarnished. The danger here is that we build into the minds of those who live within the Soviet bloc and believe, whether secretly or publicly, in the values of democracy, an example of betrayal at the time of greatest need that will exist long in their memory, and will dog our heels politically for years to come as the West makes
efforts to convert the Soviet Union from dictatorship to democracy.
2 We challenge the Soviets, using the moral position of the United Nations to exert pressure on the Kremlin to allow a degree of democracy into Hungary, and by extension the other satellite states. The likely outcome is that the Soviets will cock a snook at the UN by ignoring what it says, on the basis that it does not have the courage of its convictions nor the power to make its position stick. The UN will lose face, the Soviets will achieve what they want anyway and no one will gain except the enemy.
3 Threaten the Soviets with military force, probably NATO. The danger here is that the Soviets may call our bluff; a small-scale event, an uprising involving a few thousand Hungarians, will lead to an international crisis with the attendant risk of a wider military entanglement putting at risk the lives of millions.
There are no easy answers, and our continuing involvement in the Suez affair and the Peter investigation is not helping. However, unless we are prepared to sit back and see a nation slaughtered like rats, we must resolve our position. I suspect that the testing time is not far away.
(Signed) NC