Sky People (2 page)

Mexico and Central America revealed a rich history of unusual UFO sightings, most of which were dismissed by scientists as hoaxes, space debris, weather balloons, missiles, military planes, or natural weather phenomena. Theories of UFOs and the Maya have thrived, particularly in the last decade. Fueled in no small part by the Maya calendar, the UFO influence over Maya culture appeared in many discussions of this ancient civilization.

Whereas my original intent was to trace the footsteps of Stephens and Catherwood through Central America and Mexico, my focus expanded over the years. By the time I made my first trip, I decided not only to re-create the adventurers’ journey but to also search out those sites with legends related to Sky
People and extraterrestrials. During my trips, I traveled more than 20,000 miles (36,187 kilometers), sometimes retracing a path I had already passed. When there were no roads, I walked. Along the way, I was assisted by villagers, local interpreters and guides, traditional shaman and elders, cultural specialists, historians, and elders. I met with traditional healers and visionaries and entered in ceremonies that required the memorization of chants spoken only to the Sky Gods.

One of the most important considerations for me as a university researcher, trained in both qualitative and quantitative research methodology, was to ensure my qualitative approach did not impact or influence the individuals who related the accounts. Thus every effort was made to avoid leading questions or making inferences.

It has been suggested that two perspectives (“etic” and “emic”) can be employed in qualitative research. The “etic” perspective, or outsider’s perspective, developed an interpretation of the experiences of that culture by observation. Usually this implied interpreting the culture within the worldview of the observer. An “emic” perspective referred to the way the members of the culture envisioned their world. In other words, the “emic” perspective, or an insider’s point of view, allowed for a different perspective. An “emic” researcher avoided judgments about his or her observations or interviews and allowed for acceptance of the behaviors and information observed or obtained. Thus, as an indigenous researcher, I chose to approach the research from an insider’s perspective, an “emic” viewpoint. In doing so, I never questioned the existence of the Sky People, Sky Gods, or the traditional myths and legends of the indigenous people, nor was I skeptical of their reported encounters.

Inherent to conducting research among indigenous people was the need to show credibility within the communities. Having a doctorate did not automatically establish a researcher’s credibility among indigenous populations in the United States; however, in Mesoamerica, education was synonymous with power and status. Having a prefix of “Doctora” in front of my name was considered an ultimate achievement among the indigenous
people I met. Being indigenous added to my credibility. Wherever I went, individuals and groups were interested in my culture and life. Although the indigenous people of Mexico and Belize were far more outgoing and accepting of strangers than the natives of Honduras and Guatemala, acceptance was generally achieved by an introduction from someone believed to be in power, such as a guide or interpreter. In Mexico, the overwhelming majority of my guides, drivers, and interpreters were Maya or at least Mestizo (mixed Maya and European). In the state of Chiapas, my driver was Mixtec, a member of the indigenous Mesoamerican people inhabiting the region known as
La Mixteca
in the Mexican states of Oaxaca, Guerro, and Puebla. Two of my drivers had been illegal immigrants in the USA at one time or another in their lives, but had discovered, at least for them, that being away from family was not worth it. In Belize, my guide was self-identified Red Carib Indian, the Amerindian group that did not intermarry with Africans, who escaped slave ships bound for the USA.

I am not a fluent Spanish speaker; I used a combination of English, Spanish, and interpreters to communicate. An interpreter who spoke the local dialect accompanied me at all formal interviews. Sometimes the driver or guide served as an interpreter. When an interviewee spoke only Mayan, an interpreter accompanied me. More than half of the interviews were arranged by guides/drivers/interpreters in the homes of those who had experienced the encounters. Others took place simply by chance, or at prearranged hotel settings or at small outdoor cafes. A few of the interviews took place at archaeological sites. All guides, interpreters, drivers, and other professionals were paid a daily fee for their services equal to the established rates plus a 25- to 50-percent honorarium depending on the services. Vehicles and gas were not included in the fees and contracted independently. All interviewees were paid in cash and gifts. None of the participants sought compensation; I chose to pay them in return for their time. I did not advertise that they would be paid. On the contrary, I arrived at the interview with gifts, which is common for visitors to indigenous homes. At the conclusion of the interview, I presented each interviewee with cash, which
was the equivalent of $25 USD per hour. All participants were made aware that I was collecting stories and may in the future write a book that may include their stories. Only two individuals requested that their stories not be included, although I listened to their stories and paid them an honorarium, but kept no notes of the interviews.

One of the most important points to remember when among the Maya, regardless of their country or residence, is the Maya of Mesoamerica have a dramatically different history of conquest and colonization, as well as methods of assimilation into a larger nation-state. For example, the Maya of the Yucatan have a far different relationship with the government than those Maya or Indian groups that live in Oaxaca or the state of Chiapas. These differences also extend to the Maya of Guatemala, Belize, and Honduras. It is important to emphasize that the terms such as
Amerindian, Indian, Ladino, Mestizo, Indigenous
, and
Indios
are not equivalent across Mesoamerica. Even within the individual countries where various dialects were spoken, I found the terms did not have a stable meaning. In the process of this work, I allowed the individuals to self-identify themselves. I did not seek to blanket identify them nor lump them into a group, as the distinction is rather dramatic.

Several individuals requested anonymity. Therefore, to ensure consistency, names were changed. Most of the participants were people who lived as their ancestors did thousands of years ago. Nearly fifty-five percent of the participants owned cell phones, however, the majority (ninety-two percent) had never used a computer. Sixty-one percent had seen a television; forty percent owned one. None were seeking notoriety, and only a few approached me about telling their stories. Many of the stories happened by chance or fate. The majority were rural people who farmed the land or worked at various archaeological sites as vendors, tour guides, professional drivers, or hotel employees. More than half of the population ranged from sixty to ninety-nine years old; the youngest was twelve. All participants lived in the countries of Belize, Honduras, Guatemala, or Mexico.

Gender played a role in my research. Unlike men, who spoke freely with me as I was under the protection of indigenous drivers, guides, and interpreters, women were less likely to speak with me. Even when I was able to identify women who would talk with me, it was almost always through the encouragement of a male relative, an extended family member, or someone who was respected by the woman’s family. When I was introduced to females who had an encounter, the women preferred speaking to me without the presence of males, unless an interpreter was required. Even then, the interpreters were trusted friends or relatives.

Prior to taking my journey, I had already engaged the services of drivers/interpreters, based upon their indigenous heritage and connections and their interest in UFOs. I wanted to hire individuals who spoke fluent English, Spanish, and an indigenous language most common in the area I traveled. I interviewed all of them, via e-mail and telephone, and completed contracts with them prior to my arrival. On repeated trips to the countries, I continued to engage the same drivers when they were available. Over the seven-year period, I worked with a few other individuals who could more accommodate my needs, but when possible I stayed with those drivers who had a proven track record and were interested in my work.

Most of the interviews took place in individual homes, especially among the women and elders. When visiting homes, if there were female relatives or friends present, I offered cold drinks and gifts for the women and children. On my visits, I carried crayons, sticker books, coloring books, paper pads and pencils, balloons, miniature toys (especially Matchbox cars and trucks), Beanie Babies, and sweet treats. Huckleberry candy from Montana was a favorite among young and old. The women preferred small sewing kits, lipsticks, and heirloom seeds. The men chose tobacco. Food and drink, especially Coca-Cola, was welcomed by the interviewees where sharing and eating together was a widespread practice even among the poorest of families. In villages with small local markets, ice cream treats were a favorite of the children.

During my journey, I walked with people who communicated with Sky Gods and told me of encounters with the space men and Sky People. I met with others who feared the aliens who came from other worlds and avoided them at all cost. Many of their beliefs were grounded in ancient stories and superstitions that had been passed from one generation to another. The fear of devils and curses colored many perceptions of their encounters. These were sometimes viewed within the context of Christian religious doctrines and symbols combined with ancient religious practices and their own superstitions, which brought about a unique interpretation of events.

The number of stories I collected from the countries of Belize, Honduras, Guatemala, and Mexico varied dramatically. In total, I collected ninety-two stories; half are included in this book. While following in Stephens and Catherwood’s footsteps, I visited only one site in Honduras, and that limited my interaction with the Maya. Further, the Maya of Honduras were more reluctant to speak with strangers about UFO encounters. Almost all of my connections in Mesoamerica were arranged by my drivers/guides; some identified friends and relatives who had experienced UFO encounters. In other cases, an innocent introduction or casual meeting sometimes led to a discussion of UFOs and Sky People.

While in Mexico, I often met individuals who told me their stories without an introduction from a go-between. This was perhaps the result of the Maya of Mexico having far more exposure to outsiders, more individuals who spoke English fairly fluently, and more positive experiences with outsiders, especially among those in tourist areas. Many of the stories I collected in Mexico were told by individuals who worked in the tourist industry. As a result they were more outgoing and approachable. In Guatemala, there was a fear of reprisal among the people if they talked with outsiders. This was perhaps a result of the endless violence carried out against the Maya people. In Honduras, the fear of someone in the communities finding out about their experiences was an inhibitor. In Belize, the only English-speaking nation, the people were forthcoming and open about their experiences.

As an indigenous researcher, I walked in two worlds. I came from the safe and secure world of academia and a country where realizing dreams was possible despite one’s birth. Many of the individuals I met during my journey lived in a state of survival with little hope of upward movement in their societies. On the surface, we found common ground as indigenous people from the Americas, but as time passed, it was clear that we shared more than a historical or physical heritage. Stories of giants and little people from the stars, Sky People, and legends about the cosmos all fused to make us a part of something unique to the Americas.

I arrived for my first trip to Belize on December 14, 2003. Modern-day Belize City, with a population of about 70,000, was nothing like the place that Stephens described. He and Catherwood arrived on October 30, 1839. They saw a thin row of whitewashed houses that stretched along the shore, framed by towering coconut palms. When they arrived on shore, they sunk up to the tops of their boots in the muddy streets. It did not take them long to realize that Belize City was no more than a dirty, tropical village with a few hundred people.

I found Belize City to be a charming place with an old-world atmosphere. Timber dwellings perched high on posts intermingled with buildings of reinforced concrete. There were two streets, originally named Front Street and Back Street (now Regent Street and Albert Street). The city was divided into thirteen sections with quixotic sounding names like Cinderella Town and Lake Independence. The streets swarmed with people, and the roadways were snarled with
traffic. Reggae music blasted from every car and shop. British Honduras no longer existed, and in its place was the English-speaking country of Belize.

A few days before Stephens and Catherwood set sail for Belize, the U.S. minister for Central America died in office. Seizing the opportunity, Stephens applied for the job to President Martin Van Buren. Overnight, Stephens was an ambassador, commissioned by the State Department to present himself to the government of the Confederation of Central America. This diplomatic appointment provided Stephens with unparalleled access to Central America. I was not so privileged, but I was fortunate to be under the protection of a spirited, spontaneous, adventurous driver/guide who showed me Belize from an insider’s perspective and introduced me to people that few visitors or researchers would ever encounter.

Prior to flying to Belize, I had already engaged the services of Bud E. Martinez. I found Bud E. (Buddy, as he liked to be called) through Belizean friends who suggested five potential drivers/guides who could not only escort me around Belize but could drive me to Copán, Honduras, the first ancient Maya city visited by Stephens and Catherwood. I interviewed all of them, via e-mail and telephone, before deciding. I chose Buddy, a self-professed Red-Carib Indian, a descendant of the indigenous Carib, who was born and raised in a village near Belize City. Buddy, who described himself as “not so handsome, but definitely lovable,” had a personality that was outgoing and spontaneous. I recognized him immediately when I saw him waiting for me outside the airport terminal. A barrel-chested man whose upper torso overshadowed his short legs, he reminded me of a football player I knew in college. His black hair curled around a baseball cap. His business card declared that he was “the best damn tour guide in Belize,” and before the week was over, I concurred with his advertisement. I also decided he was both handsome and lovable in his own inimitable way. A father of five and, according to him, “the proud survivor of three ex-wives,” he was the kind of individual who had never seen a stranger. When combined with his interest in UFOs and his connection
with the indigenous community, his affable personality and uninhibited manner proved to be a major asset as we traveled the highways of Belize.