Slouching Towards Gomorrah (69 page)

49.
Paul Johnson,
A History of Christianity
(New York: Simon & Schuster, 1976), p. 517.

1.
John Gray,
Post-liberalism: Studies in political thought
(London: Routledge, 1993), p. 45.

2.
Steven Emerson, “The Other Fundamentalists,”
The New Republic,
June 12, 1995, p. 22.

3.
Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., The Disuniting of America: Reflections on a Multicultural Society
(New York: WW. Norton, 1992), p. 41.

4.
See, generally,
The Failure of Bilingual Education,
ed. Jorge Amselle (Washington, DC: Center for Equal Opportunity, 1996).

5.
Richard Bernstein,
Dictatorship of Virtue: Multiculturalism and the Battle for America’s Future
(New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1994), p. 244. The interior quotation is from Jim Cummins,
Empowering Minority Students,
California Association for Bilingual Education, Sacramento, 1989, p. ix.

6.
Ibid.,
p. 244.

7.
Ibid., pp. 245–6. The interior quotation is from A Curriculum of Inclusion: Report of the Commissioner’s Task Force on Minorities: Equity and Excellence
(Albany, July 1989).

8.
Bernstein, pp. 6–7, 9.

9.
Lynne V. Cheney, Telling the Truth: Why Our Culture and Our Country Have Stopped Making Sense—and What We Can Do About It
(New York: Simon & Schuster, 1995), p. 29.

10.
Bernstein, p. 58.

11.
Ibid
.

12.
David O. Sacks and Peter A. Thiel,
The Diversity Myth: “Multiculturalism” and the Politics of Intolerance at Stanford
(Oakland: The Independent Institute, 1995), p. 18, note 5.

13.
John Leo,
Two Steps Ahead of the Thought Police
(New York: Simon & Schuster, 1994), p. 307.

14.
Schlesinger, p. 68.

15.
Bernstein, p. 37.

16.
Nick Felten, “Enforcing Diversity at DePaul,”
Campus: America’s Student Newspaper,
Fall 1995, pp. 13, 19.

17.
Peter Berger,
A Far Glory: The Quest for Faith in an Age of Credulity
(New York: The Free Press, 1992), p. 85.

18.
Katherine J. Mayberry, “White Feminists Who Study Black Writers,”
The Chronicle of Higher Education,
October 12, 1994, p. A48.

19.
Jose Ortega y Gasset,
The Revolt of the Masses
(New York: W.W. Norton, 1957), p. 134.

20.
Schlesinger, p. 18.

21.
Ortega y Gasset, p. 76.

1.
Sir Henry Sumner Maine,
Popular Government
(London: 1886), p. 1.

2.
Ibid.,
p. 2.

3.
Ibid.,
p. 5.

4.
Francis Fukuyama,
The End of History and the Last Man
(New York: Avon Books, 1992).

5.
Lino Graglia, “It’s Not Constitutionalism, It’s Judicial Activism,”
Harvard Journal of Law & Public Policy,
Winter 1996, pp. 298–9.

6.
John Gray,
Post-Liberalism: Studies in Political Thought
(London: Routledge, 1993), p. 45.

7.
Randall Jarrell,
Pictures from an Institution
(New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1954), p. 221.

8.
James K. Glassman, “Jobs: The (Woe Is) Me Generation,”
Washington Post,
March 19, 1996, p. A17.

9.
David Riesman,
The Lonely Crowd: A Study of the Changing American Character
(New Haven: Yale University Press, 1961), abr. ed., pp. 225–35.

10.
The quotes in this and the subsequent four paragraphs are from Robert Lerner, Althea K. Nagai, and Stanley Rothman,
American Elites
(New Haven Yale University Press, in press), chapter 4.

11.
Ibid
.

12.
Ibid
.

13.
Robert Nisbet,
Tunlight of Authority
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1975), pp. 223–9.

14.
Martin Mayer,
Today and Tomorrow in America
(New York: Harper & Row, Publishers, 1976), p. 4.

15.
Peter L. Berger and Richard John Neuhaus,
To Empower People: From State to Civil Society,
2nd ed. (Washington, DC: The AEI Press, 1996).

16.
Stanley Rothman, “The Decline of Bourgeois America.”
Society,
Jan/Feb 1996, p. 13.

1.
Friedrich A. Hayek, “Postscript: Why I Am Not a Conservative,”
The Constitution of Liberty
(Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1960), p. 398.

2.
Paul Hollander, “Reassessing the Adversary Culture,”
Academic Questions,
Spring 1996, p. 37.

3.
Thomas Cahill, How the Irish Saved Civilization: The Untold Story of Ireland’s Heroic Role from the Fall of Rome to the Rise of Medieval Europe
(New York: Nan A. Talese, 1995), p. 4.

4.
Paul Johnson,
A History of Christianity
(New York: Atheneum, 1980), p. 143.

5.
Richard John Neuhaus, “Second Thoughts,”
Second Thoughts: Former Radicals Look Back At The Sixties
, eds. Peter Collier and David Horowitz (Lanham, MD: Madison Books, 1989), p. 9.

6.
Roger Scruton, “Godless Conservatism.”
Wall Street Journal
, April 5, 1996, p. A8.

7.
James Q. Wilson,
The Moral Sense
(New York: The Free Press, 1993), p. 9.

8.
“Virtue Unrewarded,”
The Spectator
, November 7, 1992, p.5.

9.
Jason DeParle, “Merle Haggard; Under the Growl, a Crooner,”
New York
Times, July 29, 1993, p. CI.

1.
Kenneth Minogue, “‘Christophobia’ and the west,”
The New Criterion,
June 2003, pp. 1,9.

2.
529 U.S. 803.

3.
152 L Ed 2d 403.

4.
See David Horowitz,
Uncivil Wars: The Controversy Over Reparations for Slavery
(San Francisco: Encounter Books, 2002).

5.
Horowitz, Uncivil Wars
.

6.
Ibid., passim
.

7.
John Leo, “Diarist: ‘Academic Freedom,’”
City Journal,
Winter 1999, p. 116.

8.
John Leo, “Free speech as a tool of oppressors,”
San Diego Union Tribune,
“Section: Opinion,” March 10, 2001.

9.
John Leo. “Lovely monsters,”
U.S. News & World Report,
March 5, 2001, p. 14.

10.
Eli Lehrer, “Another result of racial politics on campus: Speech,”
The American Enterprise,
April/May 2003, pp. 40, 42.

11.
Diane Ravitch,
The Language Police
(New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2003), p. 27.

12.
Ibid.,
p. 22.

13.
Ibid.,
pp. 29–30.

14.
Ibid.,
p. 149.

15.
Ibid.,
p. 155.

16.
424 U.S. 1.

17.
528 U.S. 377.

18.
Grutter
v.
Bollinger,
123 S. Ct. 2325 (2003).

19.
Michael Kinsley, “Want diversity? Think fuzzy,”
Washington Post,
June 25, 2003, p. A23.

20.
Mark Steyn, “Counting on diversity in court,”
Washington Times,
June 29, 2003, p. B3.

21.
Powell, J., concurring in
Regents of Univ. of Cal.
v.
Bakke,
438 U.S. 265 (1978).

22.
The opinion is replete with such gibberish. “To be narrowly tailored, a race-conscious admissions program cannot use a quota system—it cannot ‘insulat[e] each category of applicants with certain desired qualifications from competition with all other applicants’ [citing Justice Powell in
Bakke].
A university
may consider race or ethnicity only as a ‘plus’ for a particular applicant, without ‘insulat[ing] the individual from competition with all other candidates for the available seats’… [A]n admissions program must be ‘flexible enough to consider all pertinent elements of diversity in light of the particular qualifications of each applicant, and to place them on the same footing for consideration, although not necessarily according them the same weight.”’ If that means anything, it is that black applicants get a “plus” that insulates them from competition with otherwise equally or better qualified white or Asian applicants.

23.
Peter Wood,
Diversity:
The Invention of a Concept
(San Francisco: Encounter Books, 2003), pp. 98,246.

24.
Shelby Steele, “A victory for white guilt,”
Wall Street Journal,
June 26, 2003, p. A16.

25.
No. 02–102 Slip Op. (2003).

26.
Romer
v.
Evans,
517 U.S. 620 (1996).

27.
Stanford et al., Arch. Gen. Psychiatry, Vol. 58 (2001).

28.
Fergusson et al., Arch. Gen. Psychiatry (2000).

29.
Jeffrey Satinover, “The biology of homosexuality: Science or politics?,”
Homosexuality and American Public Life,
ed. Christopher Wolfe (Dallas: Spence Publishing Co., 1999), p. 22.

30.
Richard Fitzgibbons, “The origins and therapy of same-sex attraction disorder,”
Ibid.,
p.92.

31.
Ibid.,
p. 95.

32.
Joseph Nicolosi, “The gay deception,”
ibid.,
p. 98.

33.
William Bennett. The Broken Hearth: Reversing the Moral Collapse of the American Family (New York: Doubleday, 2001), p. 113.

34.
Mary Eberstadt, “Pedophilia chic,”
The Weekly Standard,
June 17, 1996, p. 28.

35.
Mary Eberstadt, “‘Pedophilia chic’ reconsidered,”
The Weekly Standard,
January 1/January 8, 2001, p. 19.

36.
Fitzgibbons,
Ibid.,
p. 85.

37.
Amy Fagan, “Study finds gay unions brief,”
Washington Times,
July 11, 2003.

38.
Minogue, “‘Christophobia’ and the west,” pp. 9–10.

39.
Robert Bork,
Coercing Virtue: The Worldwide Rule of Judges
(Washington, D.C.: AEI Press, 2003).

40.
Linda Greenhouse, “Heartfelt Words from the Rehnquist Court,”
New York Times,
July 6, 2003, p. 3.

^†
Reprinted in James Millers
“Democracy Is in the Streets”: From Port Huron to the Siege of Chicago.
Miller’s subtitle rather neatly sums up the progression inherent in the manifesto.

^†
In many ways, I understand the Sixties generation because at that stage of life, I reacted similarly. Suburban, middle-class life seemed stifling. Dixieland jazz was my rock and roll. All night partying was my escape, political radicalism my protest. The superintendent of schools in a heavily Republican suburb had to be brought in to prevent me from running an editorial in the high school newspaper calling for the nationalization of industry. Denunciations of bourgeois values rolled easily off my tongue. Fortunately, mine was not a large generation and very few of my high school classmates…none to be precise…felt the same way. There was no critical mass. By the time I got to the University of Chicago, where there were student radicals, I had been in the Marine Corps, an organization well known for teaching the reality principle to its recruits; and the Chicago school of free market economists educated me out of my dreams of socialism. I was fortunate; the Sixties generation was not. On this disposition of the young,
see
Lipset (note 8), especially chapter 1, “Sources of Student Activism.”

^†
Berger noted that two themes of fascism were missing in the student radical movement…nationalism and the authoritarian leadership principle. Yet “the new radicals have shown a considerable capacity for what could be called vicarious nationalism” in uncritical identification with black nationalism, not even shrinking from its anti-Semitic undertones (today, no longer an undertone), and “vicarious solidarity with the virulent nationalisms of the Third World.” He thought a charismatic leader, cynically using the democratic rhetoric of the radicals, could overcome their antiauthority stance. If so, we are lucky such a leader did not emerge.

^†
At the University of Chicago, students seized the administration building. After they left, the university empaneled a tribunal and tried a number of them. Those found guilty were expelled. Parents took out newspaper advertisements protesting the draconian punishment visited upon their darlings, thus providing a clue to what had gone wrong with their children.

^†
Richard Grenier records a conversation with the late novelist Mary McCarthy. “‘Wouldn’t it be wonderful if everyone in the world were absolutely equal,’ she said. ‘What do you mean “equal,”’ I said, always picky. ‘I mean
equal,’
she replied with some impatience. ‘Everyone living in exactly the same material circumstances.’” Grenier knew that McCarthy was a Vassar graduate and had been living in Paris rather luxuriously. “‘Well, you’d have to give up a lot, Mary,’ I said, thinking of the descent from quails’ eggs served on silver platters to the life of a Chinese peasant. ‘But it would be worth it for the intellectual excitement!’ Miss McCarthy exclaimed enthusiastically.” She could, Grenier says, “babble this nonsense of hers all day and all night without changing her life by an iota…while gaining in her own eyes, it was evident, a distinct moral superiority to those selfishly unwilling to live like Chinese peasants.”

^†
So valuable had the status of being “disadvantaged” become that when the Hasidim were so certified, a Reagan administration official traveled to New York City and congratulated them on having “made it in America.”

^†
The Second Amendment states somewhat ambiguously: “A well-regulated militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.” The first part of the Amendment supports proponents of gun control by seeming to make the possession of firearms contingent upon being a member of a state-regulated militia. The next part is cited by opponents of gun control as a guarantee of the individual’s right to possess such weapons, since he can always be called to militia service. The Supreme Court has consistently ruled that there is no individual right to own a firearm. The Second Amendment was designed to allow states to defend themselves against a possibly tyrannical national government. Now that the federal government has stealth bombers and nuclear weapons, it is hard to imagine what people would need to keep in the garage to serve that purpose.