Read Spinning the Globe Online
Authors: Ben Green
Then it’s Marques Haynes’s turn. Almost single-handedly, he has revolutionized ballhandling and dribbling. Blindingly quick, with an unstoppable running one-handed push shot, Haynes can immobilize an entire opposition team, making star athletes look like saps and fools. Tonight, the other Trotters clear the lane and Haynes takes over, dribbling around and through the entire Celtics team. He bounces the ball as high as his head, then six inches off the floor, then while on his knees, and, impossibly, even lying on the floor. The Celtics players double-and triple-team him, lunging for the ball, but never
get close. Marques is a bona fide artist, creating a distinctive style of ballhandling that will inspire generations to come and eventually develop into “Showtime.” New York fans are savvy and knowledgeable about the game, not easily impressed, but when Marques finishes they afford him the “greatest ovation ever given to a basketball player in the Garden.” An unassuming, gracious man, Marques acknowledges the cheers with a slight nod; then it’s back to business.
Tonight’s game in the Garden is a watershed not just for Abe Saperstein, but for the players, too. After all the years of playing in backwoods gyms and backwater towns, the long nights and endless bus rides, the cold burgers handed out the back doors of filthy slophouses, they finally have the chance to showcase their talents in the Garden, in New York, and on Paramount News all over the land. To the players, the most important thing about being a Globetrotter is not the gate receipts or the comedy routines or the acclaim of the fans, but the game itself. Goose Tatum is a great clown, but the other Trotters see themselves as
ballplayers.
This is
their
game, and they love it so much that some will do it for almost nothing, taking whatever salary Abe offers, just to have the chance to play.
For young African American ballplayers across the country, the Harlem Globetrotters are still their highest aspiration. It has been three years since Jackie Robinson broke the color line in major league baseball, yet professional basketball is still lily-white. After tonight, a skinny sixteen-year-old in Wilmington, North Carolina, named George Meadow Lemon will view the Paramount newsreel and decide that this is
his
dream, to be a Trotter. And another young black man, Mannie Jackson, in Edwardsville, Illinois, will be inspired by the Globetrotters to meld his brains and athletic skills to carve out his own path in the world.
Although tonight’s game is testimony that the Harlem Globetrotters have reached the summit, Abe is far from satisfied. From his vantage on the floor of the Garden, he can see the promised land spread out before him, the welcoming Jordan River and the fertile valleys of Canaan, and he is determined to cross over to the other side.
He has every reason to feel optimistic. The Globetrotters are riding the crest of a wave of national optimism: the war is over, the ghosts of the Great Depression are finally entombed, and the conver
sion to a peacetime economy has unleashed an economic boom. There are new factories, new consumer products, and millions of new babies who Abe hopes will one day be begging their parents to take them to see the Trotters. Economists are predicting that retail sales in 1950 will surpass the all-time record, set just two years earlier, propelled by the sale of new cars, homes, and television sets (which will double from 3.2 million to 7 million in the next two years). New suburban communities, like Levittown, are being built for the emerging middle class. New gadgets and household appliances are flooding the stores, bringing ready-to-cook and frozen foods to harried American housewives and dripless paint and nonskid stepladders to former GIs turned weekend warriors. Looking out at this crowd tonight, in their Garden finery, Abe knows they have money in their pockets—
discretionary income
—to spend. He remembers when the whole country was flat busted, when Globetrotter tickets went for a dime or a quarter, and gate receipts were less than a hundred bucks. He is no economist, but he is a promoter par excellence and knows that his time has come.
He is already brimming with bold new schemes and grand promotions that, in the next two years, will carry the Globetrotters to an
international
stage—transcending not just basketball but sports altogether, making the Harlem Globetrotters the most successful entertainment franchise of any kind in the world.
The Globetrotters’ popularity is skyrocketing so quickly that he has turned down three hundred booking requests this season alone, so he’s put a second Globetrotter squad on the road—the western unit, which will play the small-town circuit that got Abe to where he is today—thereby freeing up the “Big Team,” the eastern unit, with Goose and Marques, to hit the larger markets. The two units will play a combined 247 games this season and 334 games next season, by which time the Harlem Globetrotters will be a year-round operation. In 1954, he’ll add two additional squads—the southern unit and a short-lived northern unit—so that four Globetrotter teams will be simultaneously traversing the globe.
In April, he’ll unveil one of his most brilliant ideas: the College All-Star Tour, a three-week transcontinental series matching the Globetrotters against the top college All-Americans, playing a
different city every night, setting new world records for attendance, and dwarfing the NCAA or NIT tournaments. In May, before his players have caught their breath following the College All-Star games, they’ll be off to Europe, making the first of thirty-three consecutive European tours, and soon to South America, Asia, and Africa, where they’ll play before popes and sultans, in bullrings and palaces, spreading the game of basketball around the world, and, at the request of the U.S. State Department, becoming one of America’s most effective propaganda weapons in the cold war. As admired as the Trotters are in America, their popularity abroad will far exceed it; in the United States they are celebrities, but overseas they will be treated as kings. This rags-to-riches story is so appealing, so
American,
that Hollywood has come calling, and a movie is already in the works that will bring the Harlem Globetrotters to the silver screen.
So on this night, New Year’s Day 1950, Abe Saperstein and the Globetrotters are poised on the brink of becoming a worldwide phenomenon. Yet despite the air of rosy optimism in the Garden, all is not well, either for the country or for Abe. In the past few months, the Western powers have been staggered by a portentous one-two punch from the Communist world: the Soviet Union exploded its first atomic bomb, setting off nightmarish doomsday scenarios of thermonuclear war; and then Mao Tse-tung’s Red Army overran mainland China, chasing Chiang Kai-shek into the sea, and Mao declared the world’s largest country the “People’s Republic of China.” Exulting in the triumphs of socialism, New Year’s revelers in Moscow’s Red Square last night hailed the dawn of a “Century of Communism.”
For Abe Saperstein, seismic forces are also at work below the surface, forming imperceptible fissures in the foundation of his empire. At this, his greatest moment, when the entire world seems to be waiting to be conquered, he is even now beginning to lose control, and those seismic forces will eventually push the Globetrotters to the brink of ruin.
Most ominously, in June 1950, the NBA will break the color line by drafting the first black ballplayers in its history, and three of the signees—Chuck Cooper, Sweetwater Clifton, and Earl Lloyd—will all have been in Globetrotter uniforms before the draft. Ironically, the
Globetrotters’ two victories over the Lakers may have been the final wedge to break down the Jim Crow barriers in professional ball, yet the one person in America who stands to lose the most from the integration of the NBA is Abe Saperstein. In the next few years, he will lose his best players and his greatest stars, and a whole new generation of young African Americans who have come of age during World War II will demand more money and more respect from “Uncle Abe.” The rumblings of the civil rights movement are still faint, barely audible in the distance, but in another four years, in the upsurge of the
Brown
decision and the Montgomery bus boycott, Abe Saperstein and the Harlem Globetrotters will be pulled inexorably into that swirling vortex, will come under stinging attacks, from blacks and whites alike, for being Uncle Toms and Sambos, Stepin Fetchits in short pants.
So tonight’s game at the Garden is a watershed moment in many ways. These 19,000 people here tonight are having a glorious time, yet none of them has any idea of the years of struggle that it took the Globetrotters to get here. None of them knows the stories of the great ballplayers from the 1930s, men like Inman Jackson and Runt Pullins, who carried the team through blizzards and hailstorms to reach this summit. All the fans know is what they see before them, but none of them know, and few care, about the history of black America in general or the history of black basketball that these men represent. In another fifty years, another crowd in a new Garden will be cheering for other great African American ballplayers—like Julius Erving and Magic Johnson and Michael Jordan and Shaquille O’Neal—but how many of those people will have ever heard of Goose Tatum or Marques Haynes? All they will know is what they see before them, self-contained and absolute: “This is all there is.”
In truth, there is a chain of memory that connects all of those players together. It is a chain that leads back here, to the Garden, and to the story of a team whose history spans eighty years and millions of miles. It is a story with all the elements of great drama: struggle and hardship, triumph and tragedy, decay and rebirth.
And it all begins a long, long way from Harlem….
Chicago was a town where nobody could ever forget how the money was made. It was picked up from floors still slippery with blood, and if one did not protest and take a vow of vegetables, one knew at least that life was hard, life was in the flesh and in the massacre of the flesh—one breathed the last agonies of beasts…. But in Chicago, they did it straight, they cut the animals right out of their hearts—which is why it was the last of the great American cities, and people had great faces, carnal as blood, greedy, direct, too impatient for hypocrisy, in love with honest plunder.
N
ORMAN
M
AILER,
M
IAMI AND THE
S
IEGE OF
C
HICAGO
I
t seems more than coincidental that the greatest barnstorming team in the world began in the greatest crossroads city in America. No, not New York. And certainly not Harlem. The Harlem Globetrotters are not from Harlem; they have never been from Harlem; they have nothing to do with Harlem. In truth, if they
were
from Harlem, they might never have become globetrotters. People have always been drawn to New York because of its intrinsic appeal, its magnetism as a commercial and cultural center. They come to New York to stay. But the history of Chicago is a story of transport, of moving through on the way to somewhere else.
Chicago developed as a transit point for people and products. It was not a place where anyone came to live, and those who ended up there never intended to stay. Indeed, Chicago may have had the most
inauspicious origin of any city in the world. There was no inherent reason to found a city: no safe harbor, no natural resources, no navigable river or alluring geographic features. It was just a muddy portage between two lethargic rivers: the Chicago and the Des Plaines, which ultimately reached the Mississippi. The Potawatomi Indians named it “stinking onion” and refused to live there. French trappers passed through quickly, their canoes loaded with beaver pelts, on their way to New Orleans. For most of the year, it was a colossal mud hole.
But by the late 1600s, French explorers and missionaries—most notably Joliet, Marquette, and La Salle—recognized its potential. If the portage could somehow be bridged, the two great waterways of North America, the Great Lakes and the Mississippi, would be connected, creating a 3,500-mile link between the West and the East. And Chicago would become, in La Salle’s words, “the gate of empire, the seat of commerce” for the entire continent. In the 1830s, resolute Yankee speculators determined to make that happen.
First, the Potawatomis were forced out, after their chiefs, staggeringly drunk, signed a treaty that removed them to western lands “too poor for snakes to live upon.” Thousands of Irish immigrants were then recruited to dig the Illinois and Michigan Canal, a 100-mile ditch across a disease-ridden swamp. It was a brutal, Herculean task that killed a thousand workers in 1838 alone. The Irish were reviled as “drunken, dirty, indolent, and riotous,” and would have likely moved on when the canal was finished except that many were paid in land, so they had no choice but to stay, creating an Irish enclave on the south bank of the river.
When the canal opened in 1848, Chicago immediately became a way station for pioneers heading west and farm products heading east. That same year witnessed the arrival of the first railroad, telegraph line, steamship, and Cyrus McCormick, who built a factory to produce his mechanical reaper. Ten years later, the city’s population had nearly tripled, and Chicago was the largest rail, grain, and lumber center in the world. The opening of the Union Stock Yards in 1865, which at its peak was slaughtering 25,000 hogs per day, turned Chicago into “Porkopolis.”
It was still an abominable hellhole. The streets were so thick with
mud that horses bogged up to their haunches, the city’s garbage collectors were herds of scavenging pigs, the Chicago River ran red with blood and decapitated hogs’ heads bobbed in its currents, and plank roads had to be laid over the mud to make the city’s streets passable. Yet the hustlers and entrepreneurs who had congregated there refused to tolerate such impediments, whether natural or man-made. If no canal existed, they would dig one. If the Chicago River was too shallow, they would dredge it. If the city was sinking in mud, they would jack it up. If raw sewage was flowing downriver into Lake Michigan, and, ultimately, into the city’s water supply, they would reverse the flow of the river. And in their greatest triumph, when the Great Fire of 1871 virtually destroyed the city, they would raise up a new one from the ashes that became a model of urban architecture—the first skyscraper city of the air.
By the late nineteenth century, tens of thousands of new immigrants were arriving each year to work in the Swift and Armour packinghouses, assemble McCormick’s reapers, or build elegant Pullman sleeper cars. The first wave brought Germans, Bohemians, Swedes, Italians, Czechs, Slovaks, and Poles. Chicago soon became the most segregated city in the country—by ethnicity, not race—with violent repercussions for those who strayed into the wrong neighborhood. Over 300,000 people were packed into wretched slums, which Upton Sinclair described shockingly in
The Jungle.
An English journalist visiting Chicago in 1896 called it the “cesspool of the world!”
Still, they kept coming.
In 1907, five-year-old Abe Saperstein arrived in the Windy City from London with his mother, Anna, and three younger siblings. His father, Louis, had come a year earlier to get settled and find a job. Louis and Anna Saperstein were from Lomza, Poland, where Louis was an apprentice tailor. Neither had the benefit of much education; Louis could read and write Hebrew and Yiddish, but Anna was illiterate.
When they got married in 1900, Louis was twenty years old, which was prime draft age. Lomza was part of the Russian empire, and Jews could be conscripted into the Russian army and forced to serve for as long as twenty-five years. Draft headhunters routinely
kidnapped young Jewish boys from their shtetl and shipped them off to military training in Siberia. The Russian army was so oppressive that Jewish conscripts would sometimes mutilate themselves—cut off a finger or puncture an eardrum—to avoid it. Many others fled. Two million Russian Jews, one of the largest migrations in world history, came to America between 1881 and 1924 to escape the draft and the czar’s anti-Jewish pogroms.
With the draft hanging perilously over Louis’s head, he and Anna decided to escape Poland while they could. On their honeymoon, they sailed to London, never to return. They settled in the White-chapel District, the center of London’s vibrant Jewish community, in a house near Flower and Dean Streets. Louis found a job in a tailor shop. By October, Anna was pregnant, and in July 1902, their first son was born: Abraham Michael. His birthday had no particular significance in London, or Lomza for that matter, but would have great resonance in his adopted land: he was born on the Fourth of July.
By 1906, there were three Saperstein children and a fourth on the way. After six years in London, Louis and Anna decided to seek greater opportunities for their growing clan. So, leaving Anna and the children behind, Louis set out for the land of opportunity, that beacon of hope to immigrants worldwide: he sailed for America.
He landed in New York, was processed through Ellis Island, and found a job in the garment district. Very quickly, however, he realized that New York was not the land of milk and honey he had imagined. The garment district was an abyss of poorly ventilated, dangerous sweatshops employing thousands of hapless immigrants.
*
Louis had an aunt in Chicago who wrote to him, suggesting that he move there. She even offered to let him stay with her until he could get established. Louis accepted her offer.
When he arrived in Chicago and made his way from the train station to the Jewish quarter on Maxwell Street, it was the end of a 5,000-mile journey from Lomza, yet Louis must have felt like he
was coming home. Fifty-five thousand Eastern European Jews were packed into a teeming shtetl-like environment that looked more like the Old World than the New. There was a huge open-air market, peddlers and pushcarts jammed the streets, kosher meat markets and fish dealers were on every block, and the cries of Yiddish peddlers filled the air.
Louis moved in with his aunt on Jackson Boulevard, just north of the “Poor Jews’ Quarter,” then began looking for work. Nearly 70 percent of Chicago’s tailors were Jewish, so jobs were scarce for new arrivals. Working conditions for those lucky enough to find jobs were appalling, as most worked twelve-hour days for six or seven dollars a week. Eventually, Louis saw a newspaper ad for a tailor on Ravenswood Avenue, on the North Side, in a predominantly German, Irish, and Swedish neighborhood. Ravenswood was eight miles from Jackson Boulevard and a world away from the Jewish ghetto. More dauntingly, the ad specified “No Jews allowed.” Louis decided to apply anyway, invoking a technique used by many before him: trying to pass as a Gentile. He applied using the surname Schneider, hoping it sounded more German, and less Jewish, than Saperstein (ironically,
Schneider
means tailor in German and Yiddish). He got the job. And so, each morning Louis Saperstein, the Jewish tailor from Lomza, would leave his aunt’s house on the West Side, ride the trolley to Ravenswood, and emerge as Louis Schneider, the
goy
tailor.
Although his English was halting (after six years in London, he could speak passable English, but never learned to write more than his name), he made up for that shortcoming by working hard. And he had an intuitive understanding of his craft. He could measure a customer for a suit, then make his own pattern, cut the cloth, and sew the suit.
The owner liked him. In fact, before the year was out, an astonishing stroke of good fortune befell him. The owner decided to move to California and offered to set up Louis in his own business, furnishing everything he needed for his own shop.
Soon, Louis Schneider’s Tailor Shop opened its doors. He was a ladies’ tailor, specializing in custom suits, skirts, and coats. In less than a year, he had gone from a raw immigrant to a business owner, an entrepreneur. America was truly the land of opportunity.
Louis sent for Anna and the children, who arrived in 1907. They moved first to a house on Roosevelt Road, four blocks north of Maxwell Street. It was an expensive and time-consuming trolley ride to the North Side, however, so they soon relocated to a house on Ravenswood Avenue, near Louis’s shop. The Sapersteins were the only Jewish family in the immediate area, although their neighbors wouldn’t have known it, since Louis was still masquerading as Louis Schneider. Soon, however, as his customers and neighbors got to know him, he dropped the façade: Louis Schneider’s became Louis Saperstein’s.
For young Abe, it was a fresh new world of wonder. He had spent the first five years of his life in London, but there was a rawness and virility to Chicago that made London seem almost bucolic. The city was a swirl of constant motion, and the noise from the streetcars and the trains that rumbled right down the middle of Ravenswood Avenue was deafening. The first automobiles were appearing on the streets, but Chicago was still powered by the horse. Horse-drawn wagons and drays were everywhere. There were watering troughs, blacksmith shops, and livery stables on every block. And young children dropped whatever they were doing to chase after the magnificent red fire engines when they thundered by, bells clanging, drawn by teams of lathered Belgian draft horses.
The Saperstein household was quickly filling up with children. There would be nine altogether: five boys (Abe, Morris, Rockmill [nicknamed Rocky], Jacob, and Harry) and four girls (Leah, Francis, Katherine, and Fay). The family was not destitute like so many of the Polish Jews on Maxwell Street, yet they still lived hand to mouth. Their biggest problem was finding a place to live. Most landlords refused to rent to a tenant with nine kids, so Louis would own up to having only three or four. That ruse would work for a few months, until the landlord caught on—“Wait, those aren’t the same boys I saw yesterday”—and soon, an eviction notice would be tacked to the door. This happened over and over again; they were truly the Wandering Jews. The youngest son, Harry, born in 1913, lived in nine houses in his first seven years. “We had a helluva time staying in one place,” he recalls today. He was born in a house on Clark Street, but evictions forced them into two different houses on Ravenswood,
then to Robey, Giddings, and Lawrence Avenue, among others. Louis moved his tailor shop almost as much as the family, and sometimes even ran the business out of the family living room.
This perpetual movement was the leitmotif of Abe Saperstein’s childhood. It was the constant backdrop—the rhythms of packing and unpacking, of pulling up stakes and moving on, of seeing new places and new neighbors. Change permeated his formative years, coursed through his blood and sinew, imprinting that restlessness at the molecular level.
All of this frenetic movement took place in a one-square-mile radius of Ravenswood, an overwhelmingly Catholic neighborhood whose parish priest was Father Bernard Shiel (later a bishop), the founder of the Catholic Youth Organization. German families were most numerous (the Steinbachs, Muellers, Muinchs, and Reinbergers), followed by Swedes and Finns (the Gustafsons, Olsons, Pikkarainens, and Bornosts), and the Irish (the Fitzgeralds, Ryans, McMannoms, and Carrs). It was a solid working-class neighborhood. Arnold Olson was a typesetter, Anthony Reinberger a chauffeur, Felix Pikkarainen a carpenter, and John Bornost was a machinist.
The Sapersteins were the prototypical immigrant family in which the parents clung to the old ways, while the children embraced American customs and values. Anna Saperstein spoke only Yiddish to her children, but they answered back in English. She couldn’t read a recipe book, but she was a fabulous cook and filled their table with Old World dishes: beet soup, cabbage soup with raisins and sweet and sour sauce, chicken soup with kreplach. Louis was a domineering father and the absolute ruler of the house. Although they lived miles from the Jewish ghetto, Louis would take the kids to Maxwell Street on Saturdays to do the grocery shopping. At his favorite butcher shop, he would buy enough meat to feed a family of eleven for a week—a goose or a duck, a half-dozen chickens, and various cuts of beef—then top off the Saturday ritual by buying each child a corned beef sandwich. The Sapersteins were Conservative Jews, but seldom attended services except on the High Holidays. Louis did send the children to Hebrew School, but could not afford a bar mitzvah for Harry when he reached age thirteen.
A family photo from this period shows a strong-jawed, imposing
father and a demure mother, surrounded by a troop of freshly scrubbed children. On one end, young Abe stands out. He was a teeny little guy, but his vitality fairly explodes from the old sepia-toned print—especially the smile. You can sense the energy radiating from him, and one gets the impression that he had been corralled just long enough to slick back his hair, slap on a tie, take the photo and—boom!—he was gone again.