The Benn Diaries: 1940-1990 (101 page)

BOOK: The Benn Diaries: 1940-1990
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To three eve-of-poll meetings. I resolved that tonight, as the Election is nearing the end, I would rehearse suitable farewell speeches to get on the record. Saw June Gibbs, with whom we had gone round in 1979 and with a spray gun had changed ‘Benn must go’ slogans to ‘Benn must go on’.

Thursday 9 June – General Election

Caroline and I arrived at Transport House at about 9, and Paul Chamberlain and Alan Beynon, who have been solid friends and helpers throughout the whole of the campaign, had planned a route round the constituency. From 9 until about 4, we drove round to each of the polling stations and committee rooms. The weather was quite good and the turnout high for the early part of the day, which usually means that the Tories are voting and everything then depends on whether the Labour turnout is good at the end of the day – which, in the event, it was not. Caroline had been more cautious about the result; she thought we might
just
win by 500 but that the most likely result would be that the Tories would win by nearly 2,000. Of course, all the polls in the morning predicted an enormous Tory landslide, and also predicted that the Alliance might do better than Labour.

People were extremely friendly and there was more activity than I had seen before. All the committee rooms were fully manned and the canvassing was efficient.

I didn’t go into the count itself; I just sat in Brislington school and watched on TV the defeat of our best MPs, with the obvious certainty that Labour would be badly beaten. Caroline came in at one stage and told me that, from the count so far, it looked as if we might be just marginally ahead, so I had a feeling that I might have scraped home. The enormity of what was to happen was not apparent. I had prepared what to say in advance and had kept it in the back of my mind – not that it would be much different whether it was a victory or a defeat for me, because clearly it was going to be a bad day for the Labour Party as a whole. A few people gathered in the room with us. Finally Caroline came to me at about 1.30 and said, ‘They are almost ready. You have lost.’ She had seen the votes piling up on the table.

So we walked out of the room, and all our Party workers gave me a dazed look, and I don’t think they fully appreciated what had happened either. We walked arm-in-arm into the assembly hall, and when we got there we saw Sayeed and his wife and the Liberal candidate, Peter Tyrer, and the Ecology
and the National Front candidates. The whole thing seemed like a dream. The returning officer read out the result, and I had lost by about 1,790 votes.

A great cheer went up among the Tories when they discovered they had won. Sayeed spoke and paid tribute to me, saying I could have fled Bristol and gone to one of the left-wing strongholds but I had stayed to fight. He said he would do his best for a better Bristol and a better Britain, or something.

I came forward, and there were film units trying to film me, and photographers and journalists jostling. I had resolved what I would say, and I paid a tribute to the Chartists and the suffragettes. I then thanked the people in Bristol for what they had done and said I didn’t regret for one moment staying there to fight. The Labour Party still had things to do – to protect people, to build a mass party, or something or another. Finally, I said, ‘If I may be allowed a personal word, I shall carry on with my commitment outside Parliament.’ Then we all went outside the school and I had to say it all over again for the television and press waiting there. But this time I added, ‘I hope nobody will shed any tears for me, because I am going to carry on my work.’

It was a warm evening, and we drove back to Transport House in Bristol. For the first time since 1950, I had been defeated. It was no longer an area which I represented but an area where I was a visitor. When we arrived, the media were all outside and one photographer from the
Observer
managed to get in, so we chased him out. I made a speech again, and the only person who marred it was a tall man who was drunk and kept leaning forward and interrupting. It is out of events like this that history is made; it was a rather moving occasion, all the Party people crying their eyes out, and here was this drunk saying, ‘Why did you do it, Tony? Why didn’t you leave Bristol?’ But I managed to silence him, and then I went round and gave everybody a hug and thanked them.

I can’t say I was surprised, but the campaign did buoy me up to the point where I thought I might have won.

12
1983–87

Saturday 11 June

THE FULL SCALE
of the Labour losses is enormous: Albert Booth, Neil Carmichael, Arthur Davidson, Joe Dean, David Ennals, John Garrett, Ted Graham, Frank Hooley, Alex Lyon (a great loss), Jim Marshall, Stan Newens, Ossie O’Brien, Gwilym Roberts, Chris Price, David Stoddart, Ann Taylor, Frank White, Philip Whitehead, Roland Moyle and many others. But there are a lot of good new Members now in – Tony Banks, Richard Caborn, Bob Clay, Frank Cook, Jeremy Corbyn, Terry Fields, Bill Michie, Dave Nellist, Bob Wareing.

Sunday 12 June

Chris Mullin had a post-mortem at his flat in Brixton. Most of our friends were there – Tom Sawyer, Jeremy Corbyn, Audrey Wise, Ann Pettifor, Francis Prideaux, Les Huckfield, Michael Meacher, Tony Banks, Mandy Moore, Frances Morrell, Reg Race, Jon Lansman, Jo Richardson, Stuart Holland, Alan Meale, Ken Livingstone. We sat in the garden at the back of Chris’s flat.

I arrived early for a talk with Chris and Tony Banks. Michael Foot let it be known today, or rather it was known as a result of his refusing nomination for the Party leadership, that there would be a leadership contest, and Tony Banks, who has just been newly elected for Newham North West, offered to stand down so that I could have his seat and be eligible to contest the leadership. I wouldn’t hear of it. It would be manipulative and I wouldn’t contemplate such a thing. But I have
never
known anyone make such a generous offer before. Neil Kinnock, Roy Hattersley and Peter Shore have indicated that they will stand as leader.

Looking back on it, I suppose I should have played my cards differently. If I had not stood down from the Shadow Cabinet after 1979, had played a less active part in the campaign to change the policy and to bring about the democratic changes, and had not stood for the deputy leadership, and if I’d gone to find a safe seat this year, I would have been in the running now. I may even have won. But history didn’t work out that way, and the price paid for playing it differently has been enormous in personal terms. I have lost successively my seat in the Shadow Cabinet, the deputy leadership of the Labour Party, the chairmanship of the Home Policy Committee last October after Conference and, this year, my seat in Parliament. Four major setbacks. But the reward is that the Party has, I think, been irreversibly shifted back towards socialism and is more democratic, and that is the most important thing of all.

We put Reg Race in the chair. Chris Mullin took some photographs and then we had a brief discussion on the campaign. I said I thought there should be no personal recriminations and we should look at the long-term developments we would need to bring about if we were going to secure a Labour victory next time on socialist policies.

Stuart Holland said, ‘We must try and get a by-election for Tony, by getting somebody to stand down.’

‘I don’t want to stop you, but I couldn’t possibly contemplate that,’ I replied.

Les Huckfield said, ‘Kinnock is the cause of our problems.’

Mandy Moore didn’t like the idea of Heffer. ‘He is in the old mould and is an abysmal choice for women. As for Kinnock, he seems ready to say anything to win. It will be tragic if we don’t put up a candidate.’

Reg Race declared, ‘I couldn’t vote for Kinnock; under him, we’ll have a witch-hunt, and he’ll try to reverse the democratic changes in the Party. He would appease the Right. We would lose if we supported him, and anyway
he does not believe in the policy commitments. We can’t have him as Leader. Therefore we should run Eric Heffer, Jo Richardson or Michael Meacher. Really, Jo must do it.’

In effect, we decided that we hoped to persuade Michael Meacher to stand for the leadership or deputy leadership and that, if he stood for the leadership, Jo should stand for the deputy leadership.

Having sat and listened to all this, it seems to me inappropriate that I should be involved in this sort of discussion, particularly because it may be thought that I am trying to mastermind things outside Parliament. So I will keep up a good bilateral discussion with my friends, but I don’t want to be involved in the plotting and planning.

The effects of the Election come over me in waves. Many people will suffer terribly under the Tories and it is immensely distressing. It’s easy for us to sit round talking about what we should do, and overlook the fact that the inward-looking nature of the Party has done us down.

Monday 13 June

I ordered some stationery because I have been using House of Commons letter-heading for thirty-three years and I haven’t even got any with my name and address. The cost of stamps is astronomical; at this present rate, assuming I get 1,000 letters a week, it would cost £120 on stamps alone. I did enquire about my redundancy pay, and I think I get £14,000 tax-free, and a couple of months’ winding-up allowance. I’m keeping Julie on. I had a letter from Richard Gott of the
Guardian
inviting me to write a column every week, which will mean £175 a week coming in.

Wednesday 22 June

Went to the House for the first time since the Election feeling absolutely miserable. I never want to go near the place again but there are meetings to attend. I wasn’t sure that I could go in through the private entrance by Westminster Underground station, but the policeman gave me a wink and said it was OK. I saw a couple of journalists, and found it pretty painful. I was allowed into Room 8 for the Campaign Group, even though non-MPs usually have to wait for the MPs to arrive. I shouldn’t really feel embarrassed; after all, I fought a battle and was outvoted, and I don’t feel defeated. Probably the feeling today was rather like that of a man thrown from a horse deciding to get on the horse again immediately.

The new Campaign Group was well attended – Bob Clay, Martin Flannery, Dennis Skinner, Brian Sedgemore, Frank Cook, Dave Nellist, Mark Fisher (the son of ex-Tory MP Sir Nigel Fisher), Willy McKelvey, Stuart Holland, Joan Maynard, Jo Richardson, Kevin Barron (the miner from Rother Valley), Ron Brown from Leith, Jeremy Corbyn, Harry Cohen, Michael Meacher and so on.

Again, the discussion revolved around the leadership. When Kinnock’s
name came up, Jeremy Corbyn said, ‘Well, Kinnock lost the deputy leadership for Tony in 1981 deliberately and specifically, and he was busy preparing himself for the leadership campaign during the General Election. There must be a left candidate. Heffer is a candidate, he is against the witch-hunt, and I think we should consider him.’

Monday 27 June

Had a talk with Caroline in the evening. We are both sort of decoupling from the old style of political work. I am disenchanted with the Labour Party, and she feels she’s getting nowhere with it.

Friday 1 July

Visited Bristol for a meeting at Baptist Central Hall; it gave me a very funny feeling. As I walked down the station approach, a man stopped me and said, ‘Aren’t you Mr Benn? I am so sorry . . .’ Then at the corner of Old Market and Temple Way a disabled newspaper seller came out of his kiosk saying, ‘I’ve followed you all through your career. I am sorry.’

I went into the Hall, a bit early, and sat down. A cleaner came in and asked, ‘Don’t I know you?’ I said, ‘You may have seen me.’ She asked, ‘Have you got a friend in Stoke Bishop?’ I said, ‘No.’ She said, ‘Well, who are you then?’ I replied, ‘I’m Tony Benn.’ She said, ‘Are you sure you haven’t got a friend in Stoke Bishop?’ So it was a good corrective for any superstar delusions I might have!

Sunday 24 July

The Kinnock–Hattersley leadership race has become more interesting. There was a violent exchange between Hattersley and Foot at the PLP meeting on Thursday night; apparently the Right had tried to get the Shadow Cabinet to recommend to the PLP ‘one member one vote’ in reselection procedures. So, when it came up at the PLP, the Kinnockites had packed the meeting to secure its defeat, and Max Madden (the MP for Bradford South) had moved that it not be discussed. Michael Foot had abstained. Hattersley had been furious, shouting, ‘Where’s the bloody leadership now?’, and Michael Foot had allegedly replied, ‘Don’t ever speak to me again like that – I’ll skin you alive.’

Saturday 30 July

At 4.20 Caroline and I went to Bristol for the farewell social at Bristol Transport House, where 750 people turned up, including the BBC and HTV with lights and cameras which upset people, particularly Caroline. Herbert Rogers and Dawn spoke, and Caroline was given a leather bag made by Arnold Smith. Pam Tatlow presented me with a beautiful illuminated address, drawn by Hazel Gower, which was decorated with pictures of Mars Bars, cups of tea and Concorde – everything that reminded
the members of me; and also the text of a miners’ hymn from the old days of the Bristol mines. We sang ‘We’ll eat pie in the sky by and by’ and then the ‘Internationale’. They played ‘The Red Flag’ as we walked out, and it was extremely moving. It’s hard to believe that thirty-three years are over, but I’m glad the party was left sufficiently late for people to have recovered from the immediate shock of the defeat.

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