Read The Bounty: The True Story of the Mutiny on the Bounty Online
Authors: Caroline Alexander
Tags: #History, #Europe, #Great Britain, #Military, #Naval
The Bounty: The True Story of the Mutiny on the Bounty (20 page)
BOOK: The Bounty: The True Story of the Mutiny on the Bounty
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How Bligh passed his time at Tahiti can be followed, day by day, event by event, as recorded in his fulsome log. What is not known with any clarity is how time was passed onshore. All midshipmen were required to keep up their own logs, to be produced at such time as they applied to pass for lieutenant, and one would give much to have Fletcher Christian’s. As it is, life at Point Venus can be sketched only in broad outline. Every evening, when the work of the shore party was winding down, the Tahitians gathered at “the Post” before sunset. Almost all of the
Bounty
men had found
taios,
or protective friends, who took them into their homes and families. At least two of the men, George Stewart from the Orkneys and, perhaps less predictably, the critical James Morrison, had women friends to whom they were particularly attached, while all the men seemed to have enjoyed regular sexual partners; whether or not Fletcher Christian had formed an attachment to any one woman was to become a hotly contested question—at the very least, he, like young Peter Heywood, had to be treated for “venereals.” The women of Tahiti, as Bligh would later famously write, were “handsome, mild and cheerful in their manners and conversation, possessed of great sensibility, and have sufficient delicacy to make them admired and beloved.” They were also by European standards not only very beautiful, but sexually uninhibited and experienced in ways that amazed and delighted their English visitors.
Bounty
men had found
taios,
or protective friends, who took them into their homes and families. At least two of the men, George Stewart from the Orkneys and, perhaps less predictably, the critical James Morrison, had women friends to whom they were particularly attached, while all the men seemed to have enjoyed regular sexual partners; whether or not Fletcher Christian had formed an attachment to any one woman was to become a hotly contested question—at the very least, he, like young Peter Heywood, had to be treated for “venereals.” The women of Tahiti, as Bligh would later famously write, were “handsome, mild and cheerful in their manners and conversation, possessed of great sensibility, and have sufficient delicacy to make them admired and beloved.” They were also by European standards not only very beautiful, but sexually uninhibited and experienced in ways that amazed and delighted their English visitors.
“Even the mouths of Women are not exempt from the polution, and many other as uncommon ways have they of gratifying their beastly inclinations,” as Bligh had observed, aghast. Famously, favors of the Tahitian women could be purchased for mere nails. Both on ship and at the camp, Bligh allowed female guests to stay the night, at the same time trying, through Ledward, his assistant surgeon, to keep track of the venereal diseases. When dusk came, the shore party were left more or less to their own devices. The sundown gatherings brought entertainments— wrestling matches, dances and games, feasts, martial competitions—but also a sexual privacy, even a domesticity, not allowed to the men still on board ship. From the curving arm of Point Venus, Christian and his companions could look back toward Matavai Bay, past the
Bounty
riding gently at anchor, to the darkening abundance of trees that seemed to cascade from the grave, unassailable heights of the island.
Bounty
riding gently at anchor, to the darkening abundance of trees that seemed to cascade from the grave, unassailable heights of the island.
As the weeks passed, the potted plants began to fill the nursery tent, and by the end of November, some six hundred were “in a very fine way.” Meanwhile, other ship duties were intermittently carried out. Bligh ordered the sails brought onshore, where they were aired and dried under Christian’s supervision. The large cutter was found to have a wormy bottom and had to be cleaned and repainted, under the shade of a large awning that Bligh had made to protect the workmen from the sun.
These duties were accompanied by the usual problems. Mathew Thompson was flogged with a dozen lashes “for insolence and disobedience of Orders.” Also, Bligh logged, “by the remissness of my Officers & People at the Tent,” a rudder was stolen, the only theft, as Bligh observed, so far, of any consequence; the officer in charge of the tent was of course Fletcher Christian. There is no record of punishment.
Most seriously, Purcell once again had begun to balk at his orders. When asked to make a whetstone for one of the Tahitian men, he refused point-blank, claiming that to do so would spoil his tools. On this occasion, at last, Bligh punished the carpenter with confinement to his cabin—although, as he recorded, he did “not intend to lose the use of him but to remitt him to his duty to Morrow.”
Toward the end of November, strong winds began to accompany what had become daily showers of rain, and by early December the dark weather brought an unfamiliar, heavy swell. The
Bounty
rolled uncomfortably at her anchorage, while the surf breaking on Dolphin Bank, the outlying reef, had become violent. On December 6, Bligh described a scene “of Wind and Weather which I never supposed could have been met with in this place.” From midnight until well into the morning, amid torrents of rain, a foaming sea roiled the ship “in a most tremendous manner.” Onshore, Christian’s party was cut off by the swelling of the nearby river and an alarming influx of the sea. In the morning, Tynah and Iddeeah fought their way to the
Bounty
in canoes through a sea so high that, as Bligh wrote, “I could not have supposed any Boat could have existed a moment.” On board, the couple offered their tearful greetings, saying they had believed the ship lost in the night. The rainy season, which Europeans had never experienced before, had commenced, and it was at once clear that Matavai Bay was no longer a feasible anchorage. The plants had been threatened by salt spray as the winds and high sea raged, and Bligh was determined to move them to safer ground as soon as he was able. On Nelson’s advice, he delayed an immediate departure until plants in an apparently dormant state showed signs of being alive and healthy.
Bounty
rolled uncomfortably at her anchorage, while the surf breaking on Dolphin Bank, the outlying reef, had become violent. On December 6, Bligh described a scene “of Wind and Weather which I never supposed could have been met with in this place.” From midnight until well into the morning, amid torrents of rain, a foaming sea roiled the ship “in a most tremendous manner.” Onshore, Christian’s party was cut off by the swelling of the nearby river and an alarming influx of the sea. In the morning, Tynah and Iddeeah fought their way to the
Bounty
in canoes through a sea so high that, as Bligh wrote, “I could not have supposed any Boat could have existed a moment.” On board, the couple offered their tearful greetings, saying they had believed the ship lost in the night. The rainy season, which Europeans had never experienced before, had commenced, and it was at once clear that Matavai Bay was no longer a feasible anchorage. The plants had been threatened by salt spray as the winds and high sea raged, and Bligh was determined to move them to safer ground as soon as he was able. On Nelson’s advice, he delayed an immediate departure until plants in an apparently dormant state showed signs of being alive and healthy.
Some days after the storm, Huggan, the quondam surgeon, at last succumbed to his “drunkenness and indolence.”
“Exercise was a thing he could not bear an Idea of,” Bligh wrote by way of an epitaph. Since his death had been projected even before the
Bounty
departed Deptford Dockyard, Huggan had a good run for his money. He was buried the following day to the east of Point Venus, across the river that cut the point and not far from the sea.
Bounty
departed Deptford Dockyard, Huggan had a good run for his money. He was buried the following day to the east of Point Venus, across the river that cut the point and not far from the sea.
“There the Sun rises,” Tynah said as the grave was being dug, “and there it sets, and here you may bury Terronnoo, for so he was called.” Joining Huggan’s shipmates for the funeral were all the chiefs of the region and a great many other people, respectful and solemn for the surgeon’s perhaps undeservedly dignified rites. Huggan was only the second European to be buried on the island.
It was Christmas by the time the dormant plants had put forth the desired shoots, and the men began the cumbersome task of moving camp. A reef harbor at Oparre, to the west of Matavai, had been chosen as the
Bounty
’s new anchorage. With a watchful eye on the weather, which had continued to be troubled, Bligh ordered the
Bounty
readied for her short journey, and had his 774 potted breadfruit plants carefully carried on board. At half past ten in the morning, the ship weighed anchor and cautiously set out to follow the launch, which was carrying the tents and which Bligh had sent ahead as a pilot.
Bounty
’s new anchorage. With a watchful eye on the weather, which had continued to be troubled, Bligh ordered the
Bounty
readied for her short journey, and had his 774 potted breadfruit plants carefully carried on board. At half past ten in the morning, the ship weighed anchor and cautiously set out to follow the launch, which was carrying the tents and which Bligh had sent ahead as a pilot.
The second camp, according to Bligh, was “a delightful situation in every respect.” The ship lay in sheltered, smooth water, where the tide lapped at the beach and no surf broke. Dense stands of trees shaded the new nursery, which was established along the same lines as the Matavai camp with the addition of a hut supplied by Tynah. Tynah, who had lobbied hard not to lose the
Bounty
and all the amusements and lucrative trade she brought, was delighted with the relocation, as he also had jurisdiction of Oparre.
Taios
left behind were still close enough to visit, and the easy social routine that had been enjoyed at Matavai was soon resumed, with people promenading along the beach opposite the ship “every fair Evening.” Bligh directed the ship “to be laid up and everything put below” in part so as to avoid more thefts, but this was also a sign that the men on board could look forward to only perfunctory duties.
Bounty
and all the amusements and lucrative trade she brought, was delighted with the relocation, as he also had jurisdiction of Oparre.
Taios
left behind were still close enough to visit, and the easy social routine that had been enjoyed at Matavai was soon resumed, with people promenading along the beach opposite the ship “every fair Evening.” Bligh directed the ship “to be laid up and everything put below” in part so as to avoid more thefts, but this was also a sign that the men on board could look forward to only perfunctory duties.
Nonetheless, the very day the plants and ship were safely reestablished, Bligh had William Muspratt, the cook’s assistant, flogged with a dozen lashes for “neglect of duty.” Two days later Robert Lamb, the butcher, was also flogged with a dozen “for suffering his Cleaver to be Stolen.” This now brought the total number of men punished up to six.
Although the temperature remained warm, this new season brought torrential rain and squalls, and skies so dense with sodden clouds that for an entire month Bligh was unable to take a single celestial observation. It was on one of these dark, impenetrable nights that three of the
Bounty
’s men deserted. When the watch was relieved at four in the morning of January 5, 1789, Charles Churchill, the master-at-arms, John Millward, able seaman, and William Muspratt, who had only recently been flogged, were found missing. Gone with them were the small cutter along with eight stand of arms and cartouches of ammunition.
Bounty
’s men deserted. When the watch was relieved at four in the morning of January 5, 1789, Charles Churchill, the master-at-arms, John Millward, able seaman, and William Muspratt, who had only recently been flogged, were found missing. Gone with them were the small cutter along with eight stand of arms and cartouches of ammunition.
Bligh responded to the news with an icy resolve that he had hitherto not displayed. To his Tahitian friends, he stated in very clear, straightforward and polite language that he expected the men returned. Laughing nervously, they asked Bligh if he would hold them hostage on board his ship, as Cook had done. This was an unexpected and revealing question. In 1769, during his first visit to Tahiti, Cook had lost two marines to desertion and had retaliated by holding the chiefs hostage, his rationale being that his men could not survive on the island without the complicity of the islanders. That Bligh’s friends raised this concern twenty years after the event suggests that Cook’s actions had left a deep impression.
Bligh reassured his friends that he would not resort to such a stratagem, adding, in his log, that he had “never shown any Violence or Anger” at any of the petty thefts that had occurred and had enjoyed such mutual goodwill that he knew his friends had confidence in him, and that he had “therefore no doubt but they will bring the Deserters back”—but, if they should not, he would “make the whole Country Suffer for it.” Having issued his warnings, there was little Bligh could do but wait, relying on local intelligence to flush out the fugitives.
That some of his men would try to desert probably did not take Bligh completely by surprise; again, he had his experience with Cook to draw upon. Cook had suffered desertions on Tahiti during all three of his expeditions. Recognizing that the inducements to leave ship were many, Cook had summoned his crew and lectured them at length on the “spirit of Desertion,” informing them that “they Might run off if they pleased,” as one of the company later recorded, “[b]ut they might Depend upon it he would Recover them again.” Stern as it was, the speech did not deter other, also futile attempts. Some years later, on learning of the
Bounty
’s fate, James Matra, a midshipman on Cook’s first journey, would report to Banks the astonishing news that a mass desertion had been planned by “most of the People” and some of the gentlemen of the
Endeavour.
Mr. Midshipman Matra had been instrumental in dissuading them, so he would claim, his principal line of argument being that the men could be certain of “dying rotten” of the pox if they were to live out their lives on the island.
Bounty
’s fate, James Matra, a midshipman on Cook’s first journey, would report to Banks the astonishing news that a mass desertion had been planned by “most of the People” and some of the gentlemen of the
Endeavour.
Mr. Midshipman Matra had been instrumental in dissuading them, so he would claim, his principal line of argument being that the men could be certain of “dying rotten” of the pox if they were to live out their lives on the island.
Within his own company, Bligh must have seen evidence that his officers and people were settling down into Tahitian life and adopting local customs, most visibly in their passion for being tattooed. The first tattoos had arrived in England with sailors returning from the Americas or the Pacific, and especially from the
Endeavour
(with Joseph Banks) at the end of Cook’s first voyage, when they had become tokens of great prestige. The Bountys’ tastes were varied, some sticking conservatively to English iconography. James Morrison, of all people, for reasons only to be guessed at, had had himself tattooed with the Order of the Garter around his leg and the Knights of the Garter’s motto:
“Honi soit qui mal y pense”
—“Shame on him who evil thinks.” Thomas Ellison wore simply his name and “October 25th 1788” on his right arm—the date he had first sighted Otaheite.
Endeavour
(with Joseph Banks) at the end of Cook’s first voyage, when they had become tokens of great prestige. The Bountys’ tastes were varied, some sticking conservatively to English iconography. James Morrison, of all people, for reasons only to be guessed at, had had himself tattooed with the Order of the Garter around his leg and the Knights of the Garter’s motto:
“Honi soit qui mal y pense”
—“Shame on him who evil thinks.” Thomas Ellison wore simply his name and “October 25th 1788” on his right arm—the date he had first sighted Otaheite.
But several of the men had undergone traditional Tahitian tattooing over large parts of their body, particularly on their buttocks. In Tahitian tradition, a man was not eligible to marry unless he had undergone the lengthy and painful operation of having his entire backside blacked over. Bligh left descriptions only of the mutineers, and with one exception (John Mills, the Scottish gunner’s mate) every one of them was tattooed, and usually “very much tatowed” or “tatowed in several places.” Peter Heywood was in this company, being “[v]ery much tattowed,” among other things with the three-legged emblem of the Isle of Man. Those who had received the elaborate tattoos of Tahitian manhood included George Stewart, Matthew Quintal and Fletcher Christian.
Still, Bligh himself had encouraged friendly relations with the Tahitians, and his men’s enthusiasm for the more eye-catching aspects of their culture was not something to be readily, or fruitfully, legislated. But now, as he conducted his own grim investigation of the events, he made other discoveries. On examination of the men’s personal effects for clues, a piece of paper was found inside Charles Churchill’s chest on which he had written his own name and the names of three of the shore party. The deserters would later say darkly that “many others intended to remain among the islands,” and making a list of men committed to an illegal act such as desertion—or mutiny—was an old trick. When Captain Edward Edwards, back in his happier days before he captained the
Pandora,
had thwarted the mutinous plot on board his ship
Narcissus,
a list of names of the men involved in the plot had been discovered on one of the would-be mutineers; perhaps the rash act of committing a name to paper was perceived as a kind of security that bound the man in question to one’s cause.
Pandora,
had thwarted the mutinous plot on board his ship
Narcissus,
a list of names of the men involved in the plot had been discovered on one of the would-be mutineers; perhaps the rash act of committing a name to paper was perceived as a kind of security that bound the man in question to one’s cause.
Some years later, in personal correspondence, Bligh reported that “[t]his List had Christian, Heywood and several other Names in it,” and that he had approached his protégé “not conceiving Christian could be guilty of such a thing, and who, when I showed it to him, laughed as well as myself.” To a man, the shore party professed their innocence to Bligh, and “denyd it so firmly, that He was inclined from Circumstances to believe them and said no more to them about it,” according to Morrison. In the official log no mention is made of this mysterious list; Bligh’s personal log, in which he would have been most expected to have made some remarks about the event, ends on October 23, and does not resume until April 5, 1789; a comprehensive index, in Bligh’s own handwriting, is all that can be found of the missing portion. The official log, submitted to the Admiralty, makes no mention of his suspicions whatsoever and shows Bligh’s professionalism at its best. If the men had convinced him of their innocence, then he was bound to “say no more about it.” Or, was the incident omitted for more self-serving reasons—because later events proved he had been duped? At least “three of the Party on shore” would remain among the mutineers: Peter Heywood, William Brown and Fletcher Christian.
BOOK: The Bounty: The True Story of the Mutiny on the Bounty
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