The Creation of Inequality: How Our Prehistoric Ancestors Set the Stage for Monarchy, Slavery, and Empire (67 page)

THE RISE OF THE SWAZI

By the late Iron Age thousands of Bantu speakers had crossed the Limpopo River into southeast Africa. Eighteenth-century European travelers reported more than 50 different rank societies in Natal alone. Among the most powerful were the Ndwandwe and Mthethwa.

North of the Ndwandwe lived a group called the Dlamini, named for the founder of their chiefly clan. From roughly
A.D.
1500–1700 the Dlamini had lived in the region known today as Mozambique. In order to preserve the high rank of their heirs, Dlamini chiefs were allowed to marry women from within their own patrilineal clan, while commoners still had to marry women from other clans.

Eventually the Dlamini, whose economy relied heavily on cattle herding, formed an alliance with a group called the Tembe, whose members relied more strongly on farming and crafts. This alliance created a more diversified economy. It was seen as a logical partnership because Tembe chiefs also married their “sisters” (that is, women of their own clan) and therefore “were one with the Dlamini.”

In Mozambique the Dlamini lived in kraals like the Zulu, herding cattle and working the land. A chief named Dlamini III eventually moved his residence inland to the Pongola River. In the late 1700s his people moved again, establishing their capital at a place called Lobamba.

This move placed the Dlamini in closer contact with the expansionist Ndwandwe and Mthethwa, and under a chief named Ngwane II they began their own cycle of conquests. Soon they had begun to refer to themselves as “the People of Ngwane” and to their expanding territory as “Eshiselweni,” or “the Place of Burning.” Ngwane II, who died in 1780, was buried in a cave near Lobamba. This act established a traditional burial place for Eshiselweni rulers, and Ngwane II came to be revered in legend.

The People of Ngwane were now part of a chain reaction involving the Mthethwa, the Ndwandwe, and the Zulu. Out of the resulting competition, conquest, chiefly intermarriage, and emigration of refugees, at least two kingdoms would arise: the Zulu and the Swazi.

Ngwane II was succeeded by his son, Ndungunye, who was considered a tyrant. Ndungunye was a contemporary of the Mthethwa chief Dingiswayo (under whom Shaka learned his military skills) and a Ndwandwe chief named Zidze (presumably the “Zwide” who was eventually defeated by Shaka). Many people fleeing Shaka’s conquests sought refuge with the People of Ngwane, increasing their numbers.

Around 1815, Ndungunye died and his son, Sobhuza I, rose to power. While Sobhuza continued his father’s despotism, his cruelty is said to have been buffered by his influential mother. Sobhuza sought marriage alliances with other powerful leaders. He took Zidze’s daughter as his principal wife and sent two of his own daughters to marry Shaka. Unfortunately, both of the latter became pregnant, and, given Shaka’s paranoia about being usurped by a son, he had both of them put to death.

This interplay of Dlamini, Mthethwa, Ndwandwe, and Zulu leaders fed the chain reaction. All of the ruling families of southeastern Africa intermarried, and each knew the political and military strategies of the others. If they chose to copy a rival’s strategy, they could; if they chose to do the opposite, they could.

When he was threatened by the Ndwandwe, Shaka confronted and defeated them with superior military strategy. When the Ndwandwe began to feud with him over the rich garden land of the Pongola River, however, Sobhuza I used a different strategy. Aware that his warriors would be outnumbered, he chose to flee to the north with his wives, followers, and cattle. Sobhuza entered the land of the Nguni, Sotho, and Tonga, people he regarded as politically and militarily weak. He then demanded tribute from his new neighbors. Groups that submitted retained their chiefs, land, and autonomy. Groups that resisted had their men slaughtered and their women assimilated. Small ethnic groups that fled were pursued and punished.

The conquests of Sobhuza I made him one of the most powerful rulers in the region, and his northward emigration had created some space between his people and the aggressive Zulu. Like Shaka, he began to refer to himself as a king. He moved his royal kraal back to Old Lobamba, the capital of his ancestor Ngwane. He assigned districts of his realm to his kinsmen and incorporated willing foreigners into his army. It was widely believed that Sobhuza possessed extraordinary magic. He had the power to wage war, decide issues of life and death, reward allies, and punish enemies.

When Sobhuza I died, in 1839, he left his kingdom to his second son, Mswati. Mswati went on to become the greatest king and warrior of his people, causing them to change their name yet again. Today we know his people as the Swazi (a Westernized version of “Mswati”) and their country as Swaziland.

The Regime of Mswati

Mswati took advantage of his unprecedented power and influence to make a number of changes in the principles of Swazi society. Among his key changes were the following:

  1. Armies had formerly been organized on a local basis, with each chief calling up men from his own district’s kinship groups. Mswati conscripted men from all districts and reorganized them into Zulu-style age regiments. He was clearly emulating Shaka’s strategy and was encouraged to do so by his Ndwandwe mother.

  2. Special royal villages were established as mobilizing centers for each district. All young men were now considered citizens of Mswati’s state and had to abandon their district or ethnic loyalties.

  3. Military outposts were established to facilitate raids on other societies.

  4. Neighboring groups were raided for cattle and captives. Elite captives were then ransomed for cattle or other valuables. Commoner captives were used in prisoner exchanges. The Swazi were not as interested in acquiring new land as they were in increasing their wealth and military renown.

  5. All plunder was brought to Mswati, who redistributed it to his
emaqawe,
or “heroes.” This made the Swazi one more society in which commoners could rise through military prowess.

  6. Mswati was increasingly called upon to resolve factional disputes among less powerful societies.

  7. The legitimacy of their neighbors’ hereditary leaders was recognized by the Swazi. Whenever he conquered a neighboring group, Mswati made a point of raising one of the defeated chief’s sons as if the boy were his own. Mswati also allowed any legitimate chiefly heir to rebuild his shattered society.

  8. Refugees fleeing the Zulu (or any other African society) were welcomed and protected by the Swazi, on the condition of loyalty. It was widely said that refugees “fled to the safety of Mswati’s armpit.”

  9. The Swazi king was established as the central figure in both secular government and religious ritual. Mswati was at once commander of the army, supreme legal authority, highest ritual leader, appointer of all officials, and official redistributor of wealth.

10. The Swazi king could seize any unmarried woman he wanted for his harem. His wealthy kinsmen were also allowed many wives. As a result, the ruling Dlamini clan soon became the largest in the kingdom.

As the Dlamini clan grew, so did the desire to emulate it. Its mode of dress, earlobe decoration, spoken dialect, and clan rituals were so widely imitated that, over time, they became Swazi national characteristics.

Of the 70 clans that now made up Swazi society, about a fifth were considered “true Swazi.” Roughly a seventh were respected as “prior inhabitants” of the region. The remainder were considered immigrants. Each clan had its history, but all clans had to concede the superior position of the Dlamini.

Mswati died around 1870. Mbandzeni, his successor, convinced both the British and Boer colonists to sign treaties recognizing Swazi autonomy. The flood of European immigrants could not be slowed, but the Swazi had the satisfaction of a nation that bore their name.

Swazi Society

During the 1930s anthropologist Hilda Kuper came to live among the Swazi. Kuper was years ahead of her time; long before it became fashionable to do so, she had drafts of her reports from the field critiqued by members of Swazi society. She even gave an early draft of her manuscript to King Sobhuza II, a monarch who subscribed to anthropological journals. Sobhuza gave Kuper feedback on her research and opened many doors for her. “Anthropology,” he ventured, “makes possible comparison and selection of lines of further development. European culture is not all good; ours is often better. We must be able to choose how to live, and for that we must see how others live. I do not want my people to be imitation Europeans, but to be respected for their own laws and customs.”

The Swaziland of Kuper’s study was made up of grassy plains, mountains rising to 6,000 feet, and alluvial river valleys. Eighteen inches of annual rainfall made the grasslands productive for cattle herding. Men and boys did most of the herding, and, as among the Zulu, cattle were a source of wealth. Rain rose to more than 50 inches a year in the mountains, producing denser vegetation where the Swazi could graze goats and hunt game.

Taking advantage of the riverine alluvium, Swazi women cultivated native sorghum and millet and introduced New World crops such as peanuts, pumpkins, and maize, or Indian corn. Among the important crafts was ironworking, which produced both weapons and agricultural tools.

During Kuper’s stay at least 25 clans considered themselves “true Swazi,” with the Dlamini clan serving as a ruling stratum. At least another eight clans were made up of people who had already been living in the area when the Swazi arrived. Another 35 clans consisted of Sotho, Nguni, and Tonga people who had been incorporated into Swazi society.

Crosscutting the clans were age classes for young men and women. Just as among the Zulu, the age classes for young men led to military regiments in which sons were separated from fathers and older brothers from younger brothers. The commander of each age regiment was a commoner who had risen through the military; he was appointed by the king but lived at the queen mother’s homestead. New regiments were inaugurated when old regiments had served for five to seven years and were ready to marry. Normally this took place when men had reached ages 25 to 35.

Women’s age classes were keyed more to their physiological stages of development than to their absolute ages. Young women in each class worked together in teams to weed crops, thresh harvests, winnow grain, brew beer, and plait ropes. Service ended when a woman was chosen as a bride. Until then she was discouraged from getting pregnant, and, were a girl to do so, her whole family was punished by having one of its animals confiscated and eaten by the other young women in her age class.

The Swazi king inherited his eligibility to rule from his father. Which of the eligible princes was selected as the royal heir, however, was often determined by his mother’s rank as the principal wife of the harem. The other princes were placed in charge of various provinces of the Swazi kingdom.

Once a prince was chosen as king, his mother became the queen mother. This was such an important position that droughts and floods were blamed on quarrels between the king and his mother. The Swazi king was referred to as “the Lion” or “the Child of His People.” The queen mother was referred to as “the Lady Elephant” or “the Mother of Her People.”

The king presided over the highest Swazi court and could pronounce death sentences. One king, in fact, is said to have had his own mother executed for plotting to overthrow him. The queen mother presided over the second highest court and could provide sanctuary for men whom the king had sentenced to death. The king was supposed to control the entire Swazi army, but his commander in chief lived at the queen mother’s homestead because that was considered the Swazi capital. Both the king’s and the queen mother’s residences were guarded by age regiments of warriors.

The queen mother served as one check on the king’s power, and the Swazi had other institutions of power-sharing. There were two councils. One, the Inner Council, was composed entirely of aristocrats from the Dlamini clan; when the king traveled, these councillors became part of his entourage. There was also a larger General Council composed of chiefs from Level 3 of the administrative hierarchy, prominent headmen from Level 4, and any other adult male who chose to attend.

In addition to all his councillors, the Swazi king had two special aides called
tinsila
(singular,
insila
). The tinsila were chosen from respected lineages of the Mdluli and Motsa clans, and the king was bound to them as a kind of “blood brother.”

Insila is another of those abstract concepts from which other premises flow. Kuper defines it as “an essential part of the self which, even when it has been removed by washing or scraping, remains intimately linked with the person.” Anyone who gained possession of someone’s insila could influence its owner.

Before the future king reached adulthood, two boys his age were chosen from the “true Swazi” clans mentioned earlier. At a secret ceremony, a ritual specialist made cuts on the boys’ bodies and matching cuts on the future king. These cuts were made on the right side of the Mdluli youth (who was to be the king’s “right-hand insila”) and the left side of the Motsa youth (who was to be his “left-hand insila”). The ritual specialist then rubbed blood from the future king’s right side into the cuts on the Mdluli youth, and vice versa; the process was repeated for the Motsa youth, using blood from the left side.

Once the blood transfer was complete, the king possessed two loyal assistants. It was also believed that any danger threatening the king would strike his tinsila instead. The tinsila mediated between political factions on behalf of the king, helping to keep the peace. In Swazi logic the fact that they had exchanged blood with the king allowed them to speak on his behalf.

The tinsila ceremony was not the only occasion on which the king exchanged blood; a similar ritual accompanied his first marriage. The king’s first two wives were carefully chosen from two “true Swazi” clans, the Matsebula and Motsa. These women were known as his “right-hand queen” and his “left-hand queen.” In the ritual hut of a newly built harem enclosure, special medicine men sliced into the right side of the king and his Matsebula bride, and their blood was mingled. The king married his Motsa queen a few weeks later, accompanied by ritual but without the transfer of blood. Once the king had married, his tinsila were required to wed as well.