The Dictionary of Homophobia (139 page)

Rap & Reggae as Reactionary Movements?
As a result of more progressive attitudes toward homosexuality, homophobic songs were relegated to the genres of American country music and, most of all, rap. Originating in the United States around 1979, the hip-hop movement spread to France in the early 1990s. Particularly aggressive examples of rap recorded around the end of the 1990s underscored the abyss between homosexuals and the young purveyors of the ultra-macho hip-hop scene. The subject of homosexuality was taboo in rap music unless it explicitly rejected it, typical of the attitude and style of French rappers such as Ménélik. MC Solaar, whose rap style was more melodic and poetic, always took a “gay-friendly” stance, once declaring, “J’ai invité le pape à la Gay Pride” (I invited the Pope to Gay Pride) in his 1988 song “La vie n’est qu’un moment” (Life is but a moment).

Of course, the precedent for French rap’s homophobic tendencies lies in its American counterpart, which includes numerous examples of rappers performing hateful songs and making public anti-gay declarations. Among the most well-known of these is Eminem who, since the release of his first albums in the mid-1990s, has included several inflammatory references to homosexuals in his lyrics. His 2000 album
The Marshall Mathers LP
contained many aggressive tracks, including references to forcing fellow rappers to suck his dick and to holding “faggots” at knifepoint because they keep “eggin’ [him] on.” On the track “Criminal,” which incurred the wrath of gay, lesbian, and women’s groups, he rapped: “My words are like a dagger with a jagged edge that’ll stab you in the head whether you’re a fag or a lez…. Hate fags? The answer is yes!” Feuds between rappers are also marked by homophobia; DMX once bragged of having proof that Ja Rule was homosexual during their bitter feud.

Meanwhile, examples of homophobia in French rap abound. In a song by Rohff entitled “On fait les choses” (We get stuff done), he declares: “
Mon stuff mérite de faire la une du journal télévisé / Mais on m’a dit que c’était des pédés qui produisaient / Donc en tant qu’antipédé, ton colon je viens briser. / Inutile, c’est pas la peine de sympathiser / Ce n’est pas de mon pedigree
” (My stuff is good enough for the news on TV / But they tell me that it just makes queers / For my anti-queer effort, then, I’ll bust up your ass / Useless it’s not worth sympathizing / It’s not part of my pedigree). Rohff’s 2001 track “Le Rap des barbares” (Barbarian rap) took another raw take on the subject matter: “
A c’qu’on dit, la plupart des rappers s’prennent pour les mauvais garçons / En c’qui m’concerne mélange pas les strings et les cal’çons / C’est pas du rap de merde, j’suis pas un pédé / J’rappe pour ceux qui s’démerdent, j’encule les condés
” (From what they say, most rappers think they’re pretty bad boys / In my case, don’t mix up g-strings with boxers / I don’t do shitty rap, I’m no fag / I rap for those who can handle themselves; screw the cops).

The main purpose of this violent language (targeting only male homosexuals) appears to build up the virile image of the rebellious rapper. Under the guise of rebellion and provocation, the values touted by rappers are often reactionary: chauvinism, misogyny, violence, homophobia, and a general rejection of those who are perceived to be weak. While Eminem (whose lyrics appear to encourage rape, pedophilia, and homophobia) is one of the most striking examples of this, he is not alone; and rather than be taken to task for it, these rappers are touted by labels and radio stations, resulting in huge record sales and sold-out concerts.

The same goes for
ragga
(a derivative of reggae), whose rap influence includes lyrics that are also violent, chauvinistic, and homophobic. Reggae and ragga, it must be noted, stem from Jamaican culture, which has a long history of chauvinism and homophobic persecution. In this sense, Jamaican rap stars were even more radical in their homophobia. In 1992, Buju Banton caused a stir with his track “Boom Boom Bye Bye,” which encouraged violence against the “batty boys” (homosexuals), including murder. A similar stance was taken by fellow Jamaican Shabba Ranks, to the detriment of his career, as gay rights organizations in both New York and Jamaica protested against him, calling into question the homophobic attitude of the rasta movement itself. At the request of his record label, Banton insisted that due to his religion he wasn’t trying to incite anti-gay violence, though he never recanted his statements. He has since made amends, but the problem is far from resolved, as a new wave of homophobic rap artists and tracks have appeared in France in recent years, such as Elephant Man’s “We Nuh Like Gay” and “Log On,” T. O. K.’s “Chi Chi Man” (Jamaican slang for homosexuals), which called for gays to be burned alive; Capleton’s “Bun Out Di Chi Chi,” and lastly Beenie Man’s “Damn,” which declared “I’m dreaming of a New Jamaica, come to execute all the gays.”

Thankfully, in rap, things have begun to evolve for the better. Eminem himself has tried to rehabilitate his image; at the 2001 Grammy Awards, he invited the openly gay Elton John to perform his song “Stan” with him. Even French rappers have curbed their homophobic tendencies, arguably due to a new period of maturity in the hip-hop movement. In April 2001, the French gay magazine
Têtu
even published a cover photo of rapper Doc Gyneco applying lipstick. Could this be a sign that, in some countries at least, homosexuality and popular song are finally on common ground?
—Louis Godbout and Martin Pénet
[Original essay updated by Arsenal Pulp Press.]

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SOS HOMOPHOBIE

In the West, the fight against homophobia has become a social and political issue whose complete history remains to be written. Since the beginning of the twentieth century, and especially since the 1970s, several
associations
have made homophobia their principal topic of concern; among these groups, the French association SOS homophobie constitutes a very interesting example.

The association’s name was chosen to evoke the name of another French anti-discrimination group, SOS Racisme. Most of the association’s founders were former activists from the leftist organization FAR (Fraction armée rouge; Red Army Fraction); they held their first meeting in the fall of 1993. The group quickly established itself in Paris by setting up an anonymous helpline for victims of homophobic violence in April 1994. Since then, it has expanded to include a permanent telephone service to respond specifically to problems of
violence
and
discrimination
encountered by gays and lesbians throughout
France
. The organization’s chief goals are: “to help victims of homophobic abuse; to run homophobia prevention activities; to achieve equality in rights between homosexual and heterosexual couples, and between homosexual and heterosexual individuals.”

When the helpline was first established, the first team was mobilized to organize and ensure the functioning of the helpline and to promote the number to call. However, those involved quickly became divided on the question of priorities and the more politicized among them, familiar with the history of the battle for gay rights, quit. From this point onward, two opposing strategies were at work: those who were adamant that the helpline needed to be professional, above all else, set against those believed in absolute action and prevention, akin to the ACT UP approach. Despite this divergence, however, the association survived.

The team that remained worked on redefining the group’s objectives and methods, and, little by little, SOS homophobie became more credible as an organization. Among its priorities was the development of an annual report on homophobia in France, which would be made available to public authorities, the
media
, and the public. This report gave SOS homophobie its distinctiveness: that its helpline was not an end unto itself, but rather a tool in the fight against homophobia. The annual report was premised on the idea that mapping the spread of homophobia allowed for a better understanding of it, and thus underscore the need for social tools to address it and ultimately prevent it. The group’s first annual report on homophobia was released in June 1998.

SOS homophobie’s conception of itself as an
observatoire de l’homophobie
(observatory of homophobia) took shape with the helpline and the annual report. In order to be more efficient, the willingness and ability to anticipate, prevent, and educate people in order to contain and condemn homophobia began to be asserted. Work began on convincing public authorities to start prevention campaigns and adopt anti-homophobic policies.

Since then, the association has maintained its momentum: the structure works efficiently, the helpline volunteers undergo intense training, and the frames of reference are regularly updated and enhanced. The annual report, which is elaborate and documented, is now widely used by French media. Anti-homophobia sensitivity-training manuals are widely distributed to labor unions, administrative offices, and the police. Writers of the legislation against the incitement of homophobic hatred and other legal material are inspired by the contributions from the association.

Will the association be forced to change in the future? The profile of homophobia in France has changed: there are fewer cases of physical violence against gays and lesbians, but at the same time it remains insidious, manifested mostly in
insults
or in casual discrimination in daily life, in the
workplace
, neighborhood, or
school
. Therefore, anti-homophobic mobilization remains vital, especially since gays and lesbians have yet to obtain equality with heterosexuals in social or legal rights. SOS homophobie will continue to work for these rights by collaborating more frequently with politicians and governing bodies.
—Christine Le Doaré

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