Read The Genius in All of Us: New Insights Into Genetics, Talent, and IQ Online
Authors: David Shenk
Tags: #Psychology, #Cognitive Psychology & Cognition, #Cognitive Psychology
The lesson is that parents, teachers, and students must take the long and incremental view.
Regardless of whether a child seems to be exceptional, mediocre, or even awful at any particular skill at a particular point in time, the potential exists for that person to develop into a high-achieving adult
.
Because talent is a function of acquired skills rather than innate ability, adult achievement depends completely on long-term attitude and resources and process rather than any particular age-based talent quotient
. While childhood achievement is, of course, not irrelevant (it’s often a sign of early interest and determination), it doesn’t rule any particular future success in or out.
Childhood abilities—or lack thereof—are not a crystal ball of future success. No age-related level of achievement is either a golden ticket or a locked gate.
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CHAPTER SIX
Can White Men Jump?
Ethnicity, Genes, Culture, and Success
Clusters of ethnic and geographical athletic success prompt suspicions of hidden genetic advantages. The real advantages are far more nuanced—– and less hidden.
A
t the 2008 Summer Olympics in Beijing
, the world watched in astonishment as the tiny island of Jamaica captured six gold medals in track and field and eleven overall. Usain Bolt won (and set world records in) both the men’s 100-meter and the men’s 200-meter races. Jamaican women took the top three spots in the 100-meter and won the 200-meter as well.
“They brought their A game
. I don’t know where we left ours,” lamented American relay runner Lauryn Williams.
A poor, underdeveloped nation of 2.8 million people—one-hundredth the size of the United States—had somehow managed to produce the fastest humans alive.
How?
Within hours, geneticists and science journalists rushed in with reports of a “secret weapon
”: biologically, it turned out that almost all Jamaicans are flush with alpha-actinin-3, a protein that drives forceful, speedy muscle contractions. The powerful protein is produced by a special gene variant called
ACTN3
, at least one copy of which can be found in 98 percent of Jamaicans—far higher than in many other ethnic populations.
An impressive fact, but no one stopped to do the math. Eighty percent of Americans also have at least one copy of
ACTN3
—that amounts to 240 million people. Eighty-two percent of Europeans have it as well—that tacks on another 597 million potential sprinters. “There’s simply
no clear relationship between the frequency of this variant in a population and its capacity to produce sprinting superstars
,” concluded geneticist Daniel MacArthur.
What, then, is the Jamaicans’ secret sauce?
The list goes on and on. It turns out that sports excellence commonly emerges in geographic clusters—so commonly, in fact, that a small academic discipline called
“sports geography” has developed over the years to help understand it
. What they’ve discovered is that there’s never a single cause for a sports cluster. Rather, the success comes from many contributions of climate, media, demographics, nutrition, politics, training, spirituality, education, economics, and folklore. In short, athletic clusters are not genetic, but systemic.
Unsatisfied with this multifaceted explanation, some sports geographers have also transformed themselves into sports geneticists.
In his book
Taboo: Why Black Athletes Dominate Sports and Why We’re Afraid to Talk About It
, journalist Jon Entine insists that today’s phenomenal black athletes—Jamaican sprinters, Kenyan marathoners, African American basketball players, etc.—are propelled by “high performance genes” inherited from their West and East African ancestors
. Caucasians and Asians don’t do as well, he says, because they don’t share these advantages.
“White athletes appear to have a physique between central West Africans and East Africans,” Entine writes
. “They have more endurance but less explosive running and jumping ability than West Africans; they tend to be quicker than East Africans but have less endurance.”
In the finer print, Entine acknowledges that these are all grosser-than-gross generalizations. He understands that there are extraordinary Asian and Caucasian athletes in basketball, running, swimming, jumping, and cycling. (In fact, blacks do not even dominate the latter three of these sports as of 2008.)
In his own book, Entine quotes geneticist Claude Bouchard
: “The key point is that these biological characteristics
are not unique
to either West or East African blacks. These characteristics are seen in all populations, including whites.” (Italics mine.) (
Entine also acknowledges that we haven’t in fact found the actual genes he’s alluding to
. “These genes will likely be identified early in the [twenty-first century],” he predicts.)
Actual proof for his argument is startlingly thin. But Entine’s message of superior genes seems irresistible to a world steeped in gene-giftedness—and where other influences and dynamics are nearly invisible.
Take the running Kenyans. Relatively new to international competition, Kenyans have in recent years become overwhelmingly dominant in middle- and long-distance races.
“It’s pointless for me to run on the pro circuit,” complained American 10,000-meter champion Mike Mykytok
to the
New York Times
in 1998. “With all the Kenyans, I could set a personal best time, still only place 12th and win $200.”
Ninety percent of the top-performing Kenyans come from the Kalenjin tribe in the Great Rift Valley region of western Kenya, where they have a centuries-old tradition of long-distance running. Where did this tradition come from? Kenyan-born journalist John Manners suggests it came from cattle raiding. Further, he proposes how a few basic economic incentives became a powerful evolutionary force.
“The better a young man was at raiding [cattle]
—in large part a function of his speed and endurance—the more cattle he accumulated,” Manners says. “And since cattle were what a prospective husband needed to pay for a bride, the more a young man had, the more wives he could buy, and the more children he was likely to father. It is not hard to imagine that such a reproductive advantage might cause a significant shift in a group’s genetic makeup over the course of a few centuries.”
Whatever the precise origin, it is true that the Kalenjin have long had a fierce dedication to running. But it wasn’t until the 1968 Olympics that they became internationally renowned for their prowess, thanks to the extraordinary runner Kipchoge Keino.
The son of a farmer and ambitious long-distance runner, Keino caught the running bug early in life.
He wasn’t the most precocious or “natural” athlete
among his peers, but running was simply woven into the fabric of his life: along with his schoolmates, Keino ran many miles per day as a part of his routine.
“I used to run from the farm to school and back,” he recalled
. “We didn’t have a water tap in the house, so you run to the river, take your shower, run home, change, [run] to school … Everything is running.” Slowly, Keino emerged as a serious competitor. He built himself a running track on the farm where his family worked and by his late teens was showing signs of international-level performance. After some success in the early 1960s, he competed admirably in the 1964 Olympics and became the leader of the Kenyan running team for the 1968 games in Mexico City. It was Kenya’s fourth Olympics.
In Mexico City, things did not begin well for Keino. After nearly collapsing in pain during his first race, the 10,000 meters, he was diagnosed with gallstones and ordered by doctors not to continue. At the last minute, though, he stubbornly decided to race the 1,500 meters and hopped in a cab to Mexico City’s Aztec Stadium. Caught in terrible traffic, Keino did the only thing he could do, the thing he’d been training his whole life for: he jumped out of the cab and ran the last mile to the event, arriving on the track only moments before the start of the race, winded and very sick. Still, when the gun sounded, Keino was off, and his performance that day shattered the world record and left his rival, American Jim Ryun, in the dust.
The dramatic victory made Keino one of the most celebrated men in all Africa and helped catalyze a new interest in world-class competition. Athletic halls and other venues all over Kenya were named after him. World-class coaches like Fred Hardy and Colm O’Connell were recruited to nurture other Kenyan aspirants.
In the decades that followed, the long-standing but profitless Kalenjin running tradition became a well-oiled economic-athletic engine
. Sports geographers point to many crucial ingredients in Kenya’s competitive surge but no single overriding factor.
High-altitude training and mild year-round climate are critical
, but equally important is a deeply ingrained culture of asceticism—the postponement of gratification—and an overriding preference for individual over team sports. (Soccer, the overwhelming Kenyan favorite, is all but ignored among the Kalenjin; running is all.)
In testing, psychologists discovered a particularly strong cultural “achievement orientation
,” defined as the inclination to seek new challenges, attain competence, and strive to outdo others. And then there was the built-in necessity as virtue: as Keino mentioned, Kalenjin kids tend to run long distances as a practical matter, an average of eight to twelve kilometers per day from age seven.
Joke among elite athletes:
How can the rest of the world defuse Kenyan running superiority? Answer
: Buy them school buses
.
With the prospect of international prize money, running in Kenya has also become a rare economic opportunity to catapult oneself into Western-level education and wealth. Five thousand dollars in prize money is a very nice perk for an American; for a Kenyan, it is instant life-changing wealth. Over time, a strong culture of success has also bred even more success. The high-performance benchmark has stoked higher and higher levels of achievement—a positive feedback loop analogous to technological innovation in Silicon Valley, combat skills among Navy SEALs, and talents in other highly successful microcultures. In any competitive arena, the single best way to inspire better performance is to be surrounded by the fiercest possible competitors and a culture of extreme excellence. Success begets success.
There is also an apparent sacrificial quality particular to Kenyan training, wherein coaches can afford to push their athletes to extreme limits in a way that coaches in other parts of the world cannot.
Sports Illustrated
’s Alexander Wolff writes that with a million Kenyan schoolboys running so enthusiastically,
“coaches in Kenya can train their athletes to the outer limits of endurance
—up to 150 miles a week—without worrying that their pool of talent will be meaningfully depleted. Even if four out of every five runners break down, the fifth will convert that training into performance.”
1. DESPITE APPEARANCES TO THE CONTRARY, RACIAL AND ETHNIC GROUPS ARE
NOT
GENETICALLY DISCRETE.
Skin color is a great deceiver; actual genetic differences between ethnic and geographic groups are very, very limited
.
All human beings are descended from the same African ancestors
, and it is well established among geneticists that
there is roughly ten times more genetic variation within large populations than there is between populations
.
“While ancestry is a useful way to classify species
(because species are isolated gene pools, most of the time),” explains University of Queensland philosopher of biology John Wilkins, “it is rarely a good way to classify populations within species … [and definitely not] in humans. We move about too much.”
By no stretch of the imagination, then, does any ethnicity or region have an exclusive lock on a particular body type or secret high-performance gene
. Body shapes, muscle fiber types, etc., are actually quite varied and scattered, and true athletic potential is widespread and plentiful.