The Good and Evil Serpent (154 page)

359
. See Vermaseren,
Cybele and Attis
.

360
. See E. A. Wallis Budge,
Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection
(New York, 1973).

361
. W. W. G. Baudissin,
Adonis und Esmun: Eine Untersuchung zur Geschichte des Glaubens an Auferstehungsgötter und an Heilgötter
(Leipzig, 1911); see esp. pp. 325–39.

362
. The Egyptians thought that their pharaohs were divine and would be “resurrected,” and that does seem to be the proper word. See Wallis Budge,
Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection
.

363
. The Greek is taken from A. S. Way, ed. and trans.
Euripides
(LCL 330; London, Cambridge, Mass., 1958) vol. 4, pp. 386–87.

364
. My translation is influenced by F. J. Miller’s edition. For the Latin and English translation, see Ovid,
Metamorphoses
, vol. 1, pp. 358–59.

365
. Varrus, 5.68; see R. G. Kent, ed.,
Varro: On the Latin Language
(LCL; London, Cambridge, Mass., 1967) vol. 1, pp. 66–67. Also see S. Lunais,
Recherches sur la lune: Les auteurs latins
(Leiden, 1979).

366
. Ovid,
Metam
. 7.219–23. My translation is based on the one by Miller.

367
. Ovid,
Metam
. 5.642–44. My translation is essentially that by Miller.

368
. See the photograph in
Encyclopédie Photographique de l’Art
, vol. 3, p. 252:B.

369
. Ovid,
Metam
. 3. 41–45; according to the
Metamorphoses
, ed. Miller, vol. 1, pp. 126–27.

370
. Ovid,
Metam
. 3. 77–80; according to the
Metamorphoses
, ed. Miller, vol. 1, pp. 128–31.

371
. Ovid,
Metam
. 4.563–603. For the full story of how Cadmus was turned into a serpent see Ovid’s
Metam
. 4. One of the most convenient editions is the one I have been using: Ovid,
Metamorphoses
, ed. Miller.

372
. Translation mine; for the Latin, see Ovid,
Fasti
, edited and translated by J. G. Frazer (LCL; London, Cambridge, Mass., 1967) pp. 74–77.

373
. The relief is now in the Berlin Museum; see the photograph in
EAA
7 (1966) 432:532.

374
. Hesiod,
Theogony
, p. 258.

375
. For depictions of serpents at Pompeii, see the photographs in
EAA
4 (1961) 480–81.

376
. See
LIMC
, VIII.2, p. 691.

377
. See
LIMC
, VIII.2, p. 766.

378
. Notably, see P. Diel,
Le symbolisme dans la mythologie Grecque: Étude psychanalytique
(Paris, 1952). See his study of Asclepius on pp. 216–31. Also see C. A. Meier,
Antike Inkubation und Moderne Psychotherapie
(Zürich, 1949).

379
. See Schnalke and Selheim,
Asklepios: Heilgott und Heilkult
, p. 11.

380
. H. Busch and G. Edelmann, eds.,
Etruskische Kunst
, introduction and discussion of pictures by W. Zschietzschmann (Frankfurt, 1969) p. 72.

381
. Busch and Edelmann,
Etruskische Kunst
, p. xxxii.

382
. On the pediment of the Acropolis in Athens two massive serpents are portrayed with two lions; see
EAA
8 (1973) Plate 180:4.

383
. Busch and Edelmann,
Etruskische Kunst
, pp. xxxii, 72.

384
. Busch and Edelmann,
Etruskische Kunst
, pp. xxxvii, 95.

385
. Clarus,
Keltische Mythen
, p. 310.

386
. One was found in a Romano-British well at Emberton, Buckinghamshire, and another, for example, near Bonn. See the photographs in M. J. Green,
Dictionary of Celtic Myth and Legend
(London, 1992) p. 149.

387
. It is no. 2356; the later Mercury with caduceus has no inventory number.

388
. See Green,
Dictionary of Celtic Myth and Legend
, p. 150.

389
. Ibid., p. 194.

390
. See C. Squire,
Celtic Myths and Legends
(Bath, 2000) pp. 376–80. Five hundred years later, Merlin dug them up; thence the Red Dragon drove the White Dragon from Britain.

391
. See the photograph in A. Krumm,
Der Keltische Armreif
(Tettnang, 1986) p. 26.

392
. See J. Biel,
Der Keltenfürst von Hochdorf
(Stuttgart, 1981); K. Bittel, W. Kimmig, and S. Schiek, eds.,
Die Kelten in Baden-Württemberg
(Stuttgart, 1981); and F. Unruh,
Aufbruch nach Europa: Hiemat der Kelten am Ursprung der Donau
(Stuttgart, 1994).

393
. As far as I know, it is not yet published. It can be seen in the Württembergisches Landesmuseum in Stuttgart, Altes Schoss.

394
. See Inv. R 130,4.12 in the Württembergisches Landesmuseum in Stuttgart, Altes Schoss.

395
. See Br. Inv. R 73, 1706 in the Württembergisches Landesmuseum in Stuttgart, Altes Schoss.

396
. These two bronze serpent clasps are on public display in the Württembergisches Landesmuseum in Stuttgart, Altes Schoss.

397
. For photographs, see H. Gabelmann,
Römische Grabbauten der frühen Kaiserzeit
, ed. Ph. Filtzinger (Stuttgart, 1979) pp. 50–52, and especially Illustration no. 20 opposite p. 5.

398
. Note, esp., A. Böhme-Schönbeger,
Kleidung und Schmuck in Rom und den Provinzen
(Stuttgart, 1997).

399
. For a color photograph of the gold bracelets and a black-and-white photograph of the remains of the woman, see Böhme-Schönberger,
Kleidung und Schmuck
, p. 58.

400
. See the photograph in Böhme-Schönberger,
Kleidung und Schmuck
, p. 59.

401
. See the photographs in Böhme-Schönberger,
Kleidung und Schmuck
, pp. 62 and 64, respectively.

402
. On the difficulty of understanding our sources on religion in Rome in the middle and late Republic, see esp. M. Beard, J. North, and S. Price,
Religions of Rome
, 2 vols. (Cambridge, 1998) vol. 1, p. 119.

403
. See C. R. Long,
The Twelve Gods of Rome
(Leiden, 1987) p. 235.

404
. The anguine figure is in the Charlesworth collection in Princeton.

405
. Aelian,
Nat. an
. 1.51: “The corpse of a wicked man receives (so I think) the reward of his ways in becoming the progenitor of a snake [orjjscoc,].” See Aelian,
On the Chracteristics of Animals
, vol. 1, pp. 70–71.

406
. Farnell,
Greek Hero Cults and Ideas of Immortality
, p. 377.

407
. Aelian thus celebrates the drug that comes from the Purple Snake (4.36). For the Greek and English, see Aelian,
On the Characteristics of Animals
, vol. 1, pp. 252–53.

408
.
Vita Apollonii
3.44. The Greek is translated idiomatically, and I am indebted to the translation of Edelstein and Edelstein in
Asclepius
, vol. 1, p. 189; for the Greek see vol. 1, p. 188.

409
. O. Gruppe thought this Sanchuniathon never existed, but W. F. Albright claimed that he did exist, lived in Berytus, and was a refugee from Tyre. For us it is not relevant whether Sanchuniathon was a valuable source concerning Phoenician theology; it is more important that Philo of Byblos, about the time of the Fourth Gospel, published the ideas concerning a serpent.

410
. Our only source for Philo of Byblos is Eusebius’
Praeparatio evangelica
(PE). Eusebius, as one might imagine, denigrates the idea that snakes can be beneficial. He thus marks one of the turning points in the appreciation of the serpent.

411
. Actually, Eusebius is citing Philo of Byblos who claims to be translating San-chuniathon, who in turn is quoting a certain Taautos at this point. This phenomenon often confronts one who is studying the first century; that is, we have only citations of otherwise lost works (see Charlesworth in
OTP
, vol. 2, pp. 775–76 and J. Strugnell, ibid., pp. 777–79.

412
. For the Greek and translation see H. W. Attridge and R. A. Oden,
Philo of Byblos: The Phoenician History
(Washington, D.C., 1981), pp. 64–65. For another edition and translation, see A. I. Baumgarten,
The
Phoenician History
of Philo of By-blos
(Leiden, 1981).

413
. For the Greek and English, see Baumgarten,
The
Phoenician History
of Philo of Byblos
.

414
. Pliny,
Nat
. 29.22,
vulgoque pascitur et in domibus
. For the Latin and English translation, see Pliny,
Natural History
, ed. Jones, vol. 8, pp. 230–31.

415
. I purchased them years ago in Cologne.

416
. I acquired this in the 1980s or 1990s.

417
. W. Burkert,
Structure and History in Greek Mythology and Ritual
(Berkeley and London, 1979) p. 20.

418
. There is little information in Cicero’s
De natura deorum
concerning serpents even though cats (1.82, 101; 3.47) and crocodiles (1.82, 101; 2.124, 129; 3.47) are discussed. I find this surprising. Is it because of the learned circles in which Cicero lived and worked?

419
. Lucian,
Alex
. 4. The Greek and English translation of Lucian’s “Alexander the False Prophet” is derived from A. M. Harmon,
Lucian
(LCL; London, Cambridge, Mass., 1969) vol. 4.

420
. See esp. J. Wytzes,
Der Letzte Kampf des Heidentums in Rom
(Leiden, 1977).

421
. See M. Smith, “How Magic Was Changed by the Triumph of Christianity,” in
Studies in the Cult of Yahweh
, ed. S. J. D. Cohen (Leiden, 1996) vol. 2, pp. 208–16.

422
. For a judicial assessment of the sociological ramifications of these edicts, see F. R. Trombley,
Hellenic Religion and Christianization c. 370–529
, 2 vols. (Leiden, 1993–1994).

423
. See Porphyry,
De regressu animae
and
De philosophia ex oraculis hauriendis
. See esp. the discussion on demonology by A. D. Nock,
Essays on Religion and the Ancient World
, ed. Z. Stewart (Oxford, 1972) vol. 2, pp. 516–26.

424
. Plato,
Apology of Socrates
19. See the discussions by D. Tarrant and others in
Der historische Sokrates
, ed. A. Patzer (Darmstadt, 1987).

425
. See K. Kleve, “The Daimonion of Socrates,” in
The Many and the One
, ed. P. Borgen (Trondheim, 1985) pp. 183–201.

426
. Tertullian,
An
. 1.5:
Socrates secundum Pythii quoque daemonis suffragium
. See A. Gerlo, ed.,
Tertulliani Opera
(Corpus Christianorum, Series Latina II. Turn-hout, 1954) part II, p. 782.

427
. See illustration no. 74 in Leipoldt and Grundmann,
Umwelt des Urchristentums
.

428
. See illustration no. 75 in Leipoldt and Grundmann,
Umwelt des Urchristentums
.

429
. Goodenough,
Jewish Symbols
, vol. 2, p. 230; also see pp. 212–13.

430
. This judgment is shared with M. P. Nilsson; see his
A History of Greek Religion
(New York, 1964 [2nd ed.]) pp. 292–93.

431
.
Phaedo
118; B. Jowett,
The Dialogues of Plato
, 2 vols. (New York, 1937) vol. 1, p. 501.

5. The Full Spectrum of the Meaning of Serpent Symbolism in the Fertile Crescent

1
. See esp. J. Maringer, “Die Schlange in Kunst und Kult der vorgeschichtlichen Menschen,”
Anthropos
72 (1977) 881–920.

2
. In the following presentation I am indebted especially to the following:
TDOT, TDNT
, J. Campbell, assisted by M. J. Abadie, “The Serpent Guide,”
Mythic Image
(Princeton, 1974) pp. 281–301; and M. Lurker, “Snakes,” in
The Encyclopedia of Religion
, ed. M. Eliade (New York, London, 1987) vol. 13, pp. 370–74.

3
. See “Uphill Work,”
Haaretz Online
18 March 2003.

4
. The speaker was described only as “a teenage girl.” See N. Angier, “Venomous and Sublime: The Viper Tells Its Tale,”
New York Times
10 December 2002; see
www.nytimes.com/2002/12/10/science/life/10VIPE
.

5
. See Appendix I and discussion of Seraphim.

6
. Long ago, C. Fox drew attention to a Palestinian image of a snake with ears and a bird’s beak. See Fox, “Circle and Serpent Antiquities,”
PEF
(1894) 83–87.

7
. See, notably, A. L. Frothingham, “Babylonian Origin of Hermes the Snake-God, and of the Caduceus,”
AJA
, Second Series 20 (1916) 175–211. R. Ferwerda, “Le Serpent, le noeud d’Hercule et le Caducée d’Hermès: Sur un passage orphique chez Athé-nagore,”
Numen
20 (1973) 104–15.

8
. I am grateful to Professor Yosef Garfinkel for showing me the site. See his
Sha’ar Hagolan: Neolithic Art in the Jordan Valley
(Jerusalem, 2002 [in Hebrew; this work is now being translated into English]). Also see Garfinkel,
The Yarmukians: Neolithic Art from Sha’ar Hagolan
(Jerusalem, 1999).

9
. I am dependent on the following publications: K. Schmidt, “The 2002 Excavations at Göbekli Tepe (Southeastern Turkey)—Impressions from an Enigmatic Site,”
Neo-Lithics
2 (2002) 8–13; Schmidt, “Frühe Tier und Menschen Bilder vom Göbekli Tepe, Kampagne 1995–1998,”
Istanbuler Mitteilungen
49 (1999) 5–21.