Read The Immortal Life of Henrietta Lacks Online
Authors: Rebecca Skloot
Chapter 17: Illegal, Immoral, and Deplorable
Southam’s cancer cell injections are documented in many scientific articles he authored or coauthored, including “Neoplastic Changes Developing in Epithelial Cell Lines Derived from Normal Persons,”
Science
124, no. 3212 (July 20, 1956); “Transplantation of Human Tumors,” letter,
Science
125, no. 3239 (January 25, 1957); “Homotransplantation of Human Cell Lines,”
Science
125, no. 3239 (January 25, 1957); “Applications of Immunology to Clinical Cancer Past Attempts and Future Possibilities,”
Cancer Research
21 (October 1961): 1302–16; and “History and Prospects of Immunotherapy of Cancer,”
Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences
277, no. 1 (1976).
For media coverage of Southam’s prison studies, see “Convicts to Get Cancer Injection,”
New York Times
, May 23, 1956; “Cancer by the Needle,”
Newsweek
, June 4, 1956; “14 Convicts Injected with Live Cancer Cells,”
New York Times
, June 15, 1956; “Cancer Volunteers,”
Time
, February 25, 1957; “Cancer Defenses Found to Differ,”
New York Times
, April 15, 1957; “Cancer Injections Cause ‘Reaction,’”
New York Times
, July 18, 1956; “Convicts Sought for Cancer Test,”
New York Times
, August 1, 1957.
The most complete resource on Southam’s cancer cell injections and the hearings that followed is
Experimentation with Human Beings
, by Jay Katz, in which he collected extensive original correspondence, court documents, and other materials that might otherwise have been lost, as they weren’t retained by the Board of Regents. Also see Jay Katz, “Experimentation on Human Beings,”
Stanford Law Review
20 (November 1967). For Hyman’s lawsuits, see
William A. Hyman v. Jewish Chronic Disease Hospital
(42 Misc. 2d 427; 248N.YS.2d 245; 1964 and 15 N.Y.2d 317; 206 N.E.2d 338; 258 N.Y.S.2d 397; 1965). Also see patient lawsuit,
Alvin Zeleznik v. Jewish Chronic Disease Hospital
(47 A.D.2d 199; 366 N.Y.S.2d 163; 1975). Beecher’s paper is H. Beecher, “Ethics and Clinical Research,”
New England Journal of Medicine
274, no. 24 (June 16, 1966).
The news coverage of the ethical debate surrounding the Southam controversy includes “Scientific Experts Condemn Ethics of Cancer Injection,”
New York Times
, January 26, 1964; Earl Ubell, “Why the Big Fuss,”
Chronicle-Telegram
, January 25, 1961; Elinor Langer, “Human Experimentation: Cancer Studies at Sloan-Kettering Stir Public Debate on Medical Eth ics,”
Science
143 (February 7, 1964); and Elinor Langer, “Human Experimentation: New York Verdict Affirms Patient Rights,”
Science
(February 11, 1966).
Susan E. Lederer’s
Subjected to Science: Human Experimentation in America Before the Second World War
is a must-read on the ethics and history of research on human subjects, as is George J. Annas and Michael A. Grodin’s
The Nazi Doctors and the Nuremberg Code: Human Rights in Human Experimentation
. Both were important sources for this chapter. For the history of experimentation on prisoners, see
Acres of Skin: Human Experiments at Holmesburg Prison
, by Allen Hornblum, who interviewed Southam before he died, and kindly shared information from those interviews with me.
For further reading in the history of bioethics, including the changes that followed the Southam controversy, see Albert R. Jonsen’s
The Birth of Bioethics;
David J. Rothman’s
Strangers at the Bedside: A History of How Law and Bioethics Transformed Medical Decision Making;
George J. Annas’s
Informed Consent to Human Experimentation: The Subject’s Di lemma;
M. S. Frankel, “The Development of Policy Guidelines Governing Human Experimentation in the United States: A Case Study of Public Policy-making for Science and Technology,”
Ethics in Science and Medicine
2, no. 48 (1975); and R. B. Livingston, “Progress Report on Survey of Moral and Ethical Aspects of Clinical Investigation: Memorandum to Director, NIH” (November 4, 1964).
For the definitive history of informed consent, see Ruth Faden and Tom Beauchamp’s
A History and Theory of Informed Consent
. For the first court case mentioning “informed consent,” see
Salgo v. Leland Stanford Jr. University Board of Trustees
(Civ. No. 17045. First Dist., Div. One, 1957).
Chapter 18: The Strangest Hybrid
Instructions for growing HeLa at home were published in C. L. Stong, “The Amateur Scientist: How to Perform Experiments with Animal Cells Living in Tissue Culture,”
Scientific American
, April 1966.
Sources documenting the history of cell culture research in space include Allan A. Katzberg, “The Effects of Space Flights on Living Human Cells,” Lectures in Aerospace Medicine, School of Aerospace Medicine (1960); and K. Dickson, “Summary of Biological Spaceflight Experiments with Cells,”
ASGSB Bulletin
4, no. 2 (July 1991).
Though the research done on HeLa cells in space was legitimate and useful, we now know that it was part of a cover-up for a reconnaissance project that involved photographing the Soviet Union from space. For information on the use of “biological payloads” as cover for spy missions, see
Eye in the Sky: The Story of the Corona Spy Satellites
, edited by Dwayne A. Day et al.
The early paper suggesting the possibility of HeLa contamination is L. Coriell et al., “Common Antigens in Tissue Culture Cell Lines,”
Science
, July 25, 1958. Other resources related to early concern over culture contamination include L. B. Robinson et al., “Contamination of Human Cell Cultures by Pleuropneumonialike Organisms,”
Science
124, no. 3232 (December 7, 1956); R. R. Gurner, R. A. Coombs, and R. Stevenson, “Results of Tests for the Species of Origins of Cell Lines by Means of the Mixed Agglutination Reaction,”
Experimental Cell Research
28 (September 1962); R. Dulbecco, “Transformation of Cells in Vitro by Viruses,”
Science
142 (November 15, 1963); R. Stevenson, “Cell Culture Collection Committee in the United States,” in
Cancer Cells in Culture
, edited by H. Katsuta (1968). For the history of the ATCC, see R. Stevenson, “Collection, Preservation, Characterization and Distribution of Cell Cultures,”
Proceedings, Symposium on the Characterization and Uses of Human Diploid Cell Strains: Opatija
(1963); and W. Clark and D. Geary, “The Story of the American Type Culture Collection: Its History and Development (1899–1973),”
Advances in Applied Microbiology
17 (1974).
Important sources on early cell hybrid research include Barski, Sorieul, and Cornefert, “Production of Cells of a ‘Hybrid’ Nature in Cultures in Vitro of 2 Cellular Strains in Combination,”
Comptes Rendus Hebdoma daires des Séances de l’Académie des Sciences
215 (October 24, 1960); H. Harris and J. F Watkins, “Hybrid Cells Derived from Mouse and Man: Artificial Heterokaryons of Mammalian Cells from Different Species,”
Nature
205 (February 13, 1965); M. Weiss and H. Green, “Human-Mouse Hybrid Cell Lines Containing Partial Complements of Human Chromosomes and Functioning Human Genes,”
Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences
58, no. 3 (September 15, 1967); and B. Ephrussi and C. Weiss, “Hybrid Somatic Cells,”
Scientific American
20, no. 4 (April 1969).
For additional information on Harris’s hybrid research, see his “The Formation and Characteristics of Hybrid Cells,” in
Cell Fusion: The Dunham Lectures (1970); The Cells of the Body: A History of Somatic Cell Genetics;
“Behaviour of Differentiated Nuclei in Heterokaryons of Animal Cells from Different Species,”
Nature
206 (1965); “The Reactivation of the Red Cell Nucleus,”
Journal of Cell Science
2 (1967); and H. Harris and P. R. Harris, “Synthesis of an Enzyme Determined by an Erythrocyte Nucleus in a Hybrid Cell,”
Journal of Cell Science
5 (1966).
Extensive media coverage included “Man-Animal Cells Are Bred in Lab,”
The
[London]
Sunday Times
(February 14, 1965); and “Of Mice and Men,”
Washington Post
(March 1, 1965).
Chapter 20: The HeLa Bomb
For this chapter I relied on communications and other documents housed at the AMCA and the TCAA, and on “The Proceedings of the Second Decennial Review Conference on Cell Tissue and Organ Culture, The Tissue Culture Association, Held on September 11–15, 1966,”
National Cancer Institute Monographs
58, no. 26 (November 15, 1967).
The vast number of scientific papers about culture contamination include S. M. Gartler, “Apparent HeLa Cell Contamination of Human Heteroploid Cell Lines,”
Nature
217 (February 4, 1968); N. Auerspberg and S. M. Gartler, “Isoenzyme Stability in Human Heteroploid Cell Lines,”
Experimental Cell Research
61 (August 1970); E. E. Fraley, S. Ecker, and M. M. Vincent, “Spontaneous in Vitro Neoplastic Transformation of Adult Human Prostatic Epithelium,”
Science
170, no. 3957 (October 30, 1970); A. Yoshida, S. Watanabe, and S. M. Gartler, “Identification of HeLa Cell Glucose 6-phosphate Dehydrogenase,”
Biochemical Genetics
5 (1971); W. D. Peterson et al., “Glucose-6-Phosphate Dehydrogenase Isoenzymes in Human Cell Cultures Determined by Sucrose-Agar Gel and Cellulose Acetate Zymograms,”
Proceedings of the Society for Experimental Biology and Medicine
128, no. 3 (July 1968); Y. Matsuya and H. Green, “Somatic Cell Hybrid Between the Established Human Line D98 (presumptive HeLa) and 3T3,”
Science
163, no. 3868 (February 14, 1969); and C. S. Stulberg, L. Coriell, et al., “The Animal Cell Culture Collection,”
In Vitro
5 (1970).
For a detailed account of the contamination controversy, see
A Conspiracy of Cells
, by Michael Gold.
Chapter 21: Night Doctors
Sources for information about night doctors and the history of black Americans and medical research include
Night Riders in Black Folk History
, by Gladys-Marie Fry; T. L. Savitt, “The Use of Blacks for Medical Experimentation and Demonstration in the Old South,”
Journal of Southern History
48, no. 3 (August 1982);
Medicine and Slavery: The Disease and Health Care of Blacks in Antebellum Virginia;
F. C. Waite, “Grave Robbing in New England,”
Medical Library Association Bulletin
(1945); W. M. Cobb, “Surgery and the Negro Physician: Some Parallels in Background,
“ Journal of the National Medical Association
(May 1951); V. N. Gamble, “A Legacy of Distrust: African Americans and Medical Research,”
American Journal of Preventive Medicine
9 (1993); V. N. Gamble, “Under the Shadow of Tuskegee: African Americans and Health Care,”
American Journal of Public Health
87, no. 11 (November 1997).
For the most detailed and accessible account available, see Harriet Washington’s
Medical Apartheid: The Dark History of Medical Experimentation on Black Americans from Colonial Times to the Present
.
For the history of Hopkins, see notes for
chapter 1
.
For documents and other materials relating to the 1969 ACLU lawsuit over Hopkins’s research into a genetic predisposition to criminal activity, see Jay Katz’s
Experimentation with Human Beings
, chapter titled “Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine: A Chronicle. Story of Criminal Gene Research.” For further reading, see Harriet Washington, “Born for Evil?” in Roelcke and Maio,
Twentieth Century Ethics of Human Subjects Research
(2004).
Sources for the Hopkins lead-study story include court documents and Health and Human Services records, as well as an interview with a source connected to the case,
Ericka Grimes v. Kennedy Kreiger Institute, Inc
. (24-C-99–925 and 24-C-95–66067/CL 193461). See also L. M. Kopelman, “Children as Research Subjects: Moral Disputes, Regulatory Guidance and Recent Court Decisions,”
Mount Sinai Medical Journal
(May 2006); and J. Pollak, “The Lead-Based Paint Abatement Repair & Maintenance Study in Baltimore: Historic Framework and Study Design,”
Journal of Health Care Law and Policy
(2002).
Chapter 22: “The Fame She So Richly Deserves”
For the paper in which Henrietta’s real name was first published, see H. W. Jones, V. A. McKusick, P. S. Harper, and K. D. Wuu, “George Otto Gey (1899–1970): The HeLa Cell and a Reappraisal of Its Origin,”
Obstetrics and Gynecology
38, no. 6 (December 1971). Also see J. Douglas, “Who Was HeLa?”
Nature
242 (March 9, 1973); and J. Douglas, “HeLa,”
Nature
242 (April 20, 1973), and B. J. C, “HeLa (for Henrietta Lacks),”
Science
184, no. 4143 (June 21, 1974).
Information regarding the misdiagnosis of Henrietta’s cancer and whether that affected her treatment comes from interviews with Howard W Jones, Roland Pattillo, Robert Kurman, David Fishman, Carmel Cohen, and others. I also relied on several scientific papers, including S. B. Gusberg and J. A. Corscaden, “The Pathology and Treatment of Adenocarcinoma of the Cervix,”
Cancer
4, no. 5 (September 1951).
For sources regarding the HeLa contamination controversy, see notes for
chapter 20
. The text of the 1971 National Cancer Act can be found at cancer.gov/aboutnci/national-cancer-act-1971/allpages.
Sources regarding the ongoing controversy include L. Coriell, “Cell Repository,”
Science
180, no. 4084 (April 27, 1973); W A. Nelson-Rees et al., “Banded Marker Chromosomes as Indicators of Intraspecies Cellular Contamination,”
Science
184, no. 4141 (June 7, 1974); K. S. Lavappa et al., “Examination of ATCC Stocks for HeLa Marker Chromosomes in Human Cell Lines,”
Nature
259 (January 22, 1976); W K. Heneen, “HeLa Cells and Their Possible Contamination of Other Cell Lines: Karyotype Studies,”
Hereditas
82 (1976); W A. Nelson-Rees and R. R. Flandermeyer, “HeLa Cultures Defined,”
Science
191, no. 4222 (January 9, 1976); M. M. Webber, “Present Status of MA-160 Cell Line: Prostatic Epithelium or HeLa Cells?”
Investigative Urology
14, no. 5 (March 1977); and W A. Nelson-Rees, “The Identification and Monitoring of Cell Line Specificity,” in
Origin and Natural History of Cell Lines
(Alan R. Liss, Inc., 1978).