The Life and Writings of Abraham Lincoln (43 page)

This vote has nothing to do in determining my votes on the questions of supplies. I have always intended, and still intend, to vote supplies; perhaps not in the precise form recommended by the President, but in a better form for all purposes, except Locofoco party purposes. It is in this particular you seem mistaken. The Locos are untiring in their efforts to make the impression that all who vote supplies or take part in the war do of necessity approve the President’s conduct in the beginning of it; but the Whigs have from the beginning made and kept the distinction between the two. In the very first act nearly all the Whigs voted against the preamble declaring that war existed by the act of Mexico; and yet nearly all of them voted for the supplies. As to the Whig men who have participated in the war, so far as they have spoken in my hearing, they do not hesitate to pronounce as unjust the President’s conduct in the beginning of the war. They do not suppose that such denunciation is directed by undying hatred to him, as
The Register
would have it believed.…

I do not mean this letter for the public, but for you. Before it reaches you, you will have seen and read my pamphlet speech, and perhaps been scared anew by it. After you get over your scare, read it over again, sentence by sentence, and tell me honestly what you think of it. I condensed all I could for fear of being cut off by the hour rule, and when I got through I had spoken but forty-five minutes.

Lincoln refers here to Alexander Stephens of Georgia, who was later to become Vice President of the Confederacy, and who was to serve as one of the three Confederate commissioners at the
historic Hampton Roads conference with Lincoln on February 3, 1865. Stephens was a Southern Whig who was attacking the war policy of Polk and the Democrats
.

Washington, February 2, 1848

D
EAR
W
ILLIAM
: I just take my pen to say that Mr. Stephens, of Georgia, a little, slim, pale-faced, consumptive man, with a voice like Logan’s, has just concluded the very best speech of an hour’s length I ever heard. My old withered dry eyes are full of tears yet.

Lincoln argues with his partner that only Congress, and not the President, has the Constitutional right of making war. The Radical Republicans during the Civil War took exactly this position in opposition to Lincoln, who then held that the emergency warranted him in holding firm rein on the military efforts of the nation. Lincoln, however, always maintained that the Civil War was not war but insurrection, and that he was simply engaged in putting down an internal rebellion
.

Washington, February 15, 1848

D
EAR
W
ILLIAM
: Your letter of the 29th of January was received last night. Being exclusively a constitutional argument, I wish to submit some reflections upon it in the same spirit of kindness that I know actuates you. Let me first state what I understand to be your position. It is that if it shall become necessary to repel invasion, the President may, without violation of the Constitution, cross the line and invade the territory of another country, and that whether such necessity exists in any given case the President is the sole judge.

Before going further consider well whether this is or is not your position. If it is, it is a position that neither the President himself, nor any friend of his, so far as I know, has ever taken. Their only positions are—first, that the soil was ours when the hostilities commenced; and second, that whether it was rightfully ours or not, Congress had annexed it, and the President for that reason was bound to defend it; both of which are as clearly proved to be false in fact as you can prove that your house is mine. The soil was not ours, and Congress did not annex or attempt to annex it. But to return to your position. Allow the President to invade a neighboring nation whenever he shall deem it necessary to repel an invasion, and you allow him to do so whenever he may choose to say he deems it necessary for such purpose, and you allow him to make war at pleasure. Study to see if you can fix any limit to his power in this respect, after having given him so much as you propose. If today he should choose to say he thinks it necessary to invade Canada to prevent the British from invading us, how could you stop him? You may say to him, “I see no probability of the British invading us;” but he will say to you, “Be silent: I see it, if you don’t.”

The provision of the Constitution giving the war-making power to Congress was dictated, as I understand it, by the following reasons: Kings had always been involving and impoverishing their people in wars, pretending generally, if not always, that the good of the people was the object. This our convention understood to be the most oppressive of all kingly oppressions, and they resolved to so frame the Constitution that no one man should hold the power of bringing this oppression upon us. But your view destroys the whole matter, and places our President where kings have always stood.

Congressman McDowell, formerly Governor of Virginia, had given Lincoln the name of another Lincoln in his state. Lincoln now writes to this man to find out whether they are related
.

Washington, March 24, 1848

M
R
. D
AVID
L
INCOLN
.

D
EAR
S
IR
: Your very worthy representative, Gov. McDowell, has given me your name and address, and as my father was born in Rockingham, from whence his father, Abraham Lincoln, emigrated to Kentucky about the year 1782, I have concluded to address you to ascertain whether we are not of the same family. I shall be much obliged if you will write me, telling me whether you in any way know anything of my grandfather, what relation you are to him, and so on. Also, if you know where your family came from when they settled in Virginia, tracing them back as far as your knowledge extends.

The relationship established, Lincoln writes again, giving news of his family in the West. The Lincoln genealogy has recently been traced back to its source in England from where the family came to this country in 1637. Those interested in fine points of Lincoln genealogy will find the subject fully treated in Waldo Lincoln’s
History of the Lincoln Family.

Washington, April 2, 1848

D
EAR
S
IR
: Last evening I was much gratified by receiving and reading your letter of the 30th of March. There is no longer any doubt that your uncle Abraham and my grandfather was
the same man. His family did reside in Washington County, Kentucky, just as you say you found them in 1801 or 1802. The oldest son, Uncle Mordecai, near twenty years ago removed from Kentucky to Hancock County, Illinois, where within a year or two afterward he died, and where his surviving children now live. His two sons there now are Abraham and Mordecai; and their post-office is “La Harpe.” Uncle Josiah, farther back than my recollection, went from Kentucky to Blue River in Indiana. I have not heard from him in a great many years, and whether he is still living I cannot say. My recollection of what I have heard is that he has several daughters and only one son, Thomas—their post-office is “Coryden, Harrison County, Indiana.” My father, Thomas, is still living, in Coles County, Illinois, being in the seventy-first year of his age—his post-office is “Charleston, Coles County, Illinois”—I am his only child. I am now in my fortieth year; and I live in Springfield, Sangamon County, Illinois. This is the outline of my grandfather’s family in the West.

I think my father has told me that grandfather had four brothers—Isaac, Jacob, John, and Thomas. Is that correct? And which of them was your father? Are any of them alive? I am quite sure that Isaac resided on Watauga, near a point where Virginia and Tennessee join; and that he has been dead more than twenty, perhaps thirty, years; also that Thomas removed to Kentucky, near Lexington, where he died a good while ago.

What was your grandfather’s Christian name? Was he not a Quaker? About what time did he emigrate from Berks County, Pennsylvania, to Virginia? Do you know anything of your family (or rather I may now say our family), farther back than your grandfather?

If it be not too much trouble to you, I shall be much pleased to hear from you again. Be assured I will call on you, should anything ever bring me near you. I shall give your respects to Governor McDowell as you desire.

Mrs. Lincoln had gone to Lexington, Kentucky, to visit her family there. Lincoln writes to her, admitting that now that she is gone, he is lonely for her. The headaches she suffered from are mentioned here; they may well have had some connection with the mental disorder which finally overcame her. This is a real family letter, showing Lincoln as a devoted father and an affectionate husband. The word “tapila” is probably some household term taken over from the children’s private lexicon
.

Washington, April 16, 1848

D
EAR
M
ARY
: In this troublesome world, we are never quite satisfied. When you were here, I thought you hindered me some in attending to business; but now, having nothing but business—no vanity—it has grown exceedingly tasteless to me. I hate to sit down and direct documents, and I hate to stay in this old room by myself. You know I told you in last Sunday’s letter I was going to make a little speech during the week, but the week has passed away without my getting a chance to do so, and now my interest in the subject has passed away too. Your second and third letters have been received since I wrote before. Dear Eddy thinks father is “gone tapila.” Has any further discovery been made as to the breaking into your grandmother’s house? If I were she I would not remain there alone. You mention that your Uncle John Parker is likely to be at Lexington. Don’t forget to present him my very kindest regards.

I went yesterday to hunt the little plaid stockings as you wished, but found that McKnight has quit business and Allen had not a single pair of the description you give and only one plaid pair of any sort that I thought would fit “Eddy’s dear little feet.” I have a notion to make another trial tomorrow
morning. If I could get them, I have an excellent chance of sending them. Mr. Warrich Tunstall of St. Louis is here. He is to leave early this week and to go by Lexington. He says he knows you, and will call to see you, and he voluntarily asked if I had not some package to send to you.

I wish you to enjoy yourself in every possible way, but is there no danger of wounding the feelings of your good father by being too openly intimate with the Wickliffe family?

Mrs. Broome has not removed yet, but she thinks of doing so tomorrow. All the house or rather all with whom you were on decided good terms send their love to you. The others say nothing. Very soon after you went away I got what I think a very pretty set of shirt-bosom studs—modest little ones, jet set in gold, only costing 50 cents a piece or $1.50 for the whole.

Suppose you do not prefix the “Hon.” to the address on your letters to me any more. I like the letters very much but I would rather they should not have that upon them. It is not necessary, as I suppose you have thought, to have them come free.

Are you entirely free from headache? That is good—good considering it is the first spring you have been free from it since we were acquainted. I am afraid you will get so well and fat and young as to be wanting to marry again. Tell Louisa I want her to watch you a little for me. Get weighed and write me how much you weigh.

I did not get rid of the impression of that foolish dream about dear Bobby till I got your letter written the same day. What did he and Eddy think of the little letters father sent them? Don’t let the blessed fellows forget father.

A day or two ago Mr. Strong, here in Congress, said to me that Matilda would visit here within two or three weeks. Suppose you write her a letter, and enclose it in one of mine, and if she comes I will deliver it to her, and if she does not. I will send it to her.

Most affectionately,

A. L
INCOLN

Reading between the lines of this letter, one can sense that Mrs. Lincoln’s sojourn in Lexington with her family was not simply a social visit—the Lincolns had evidently quarreled. Mary Lincoln is now to be permitted to return to Washington if she will be “a good girl in all things.”

Washington, June 12, 1848

M
Y DEAR
W
IFE
: On my return from Philadelphia yesterday, where in my anxiety I have been led to attend the Whig Convention, I found your last letter. I was so tired and sleepy, having ridden all night, that I could not answer it till today; and now I have to do so in the H.R. The leading matter in your letter is your wish to return to this side of the Mountains—Will you be a
good girl
in all things, if I consent? Then come along, and that as
soon
as possible. Having got the idea in my head, I shall be impatient till I see you. You will not have money enough to bring you, but I presume your uncle will supply you and I will refund him here. By the way you do not mention whether you have received the fifty dollars I sent you. I do not much fear but that you got it; because the want of it would have induced you [to] say something in relation to it. If your uncle is already at Lexington, you might induce him to start in earlier than the first of July; he could stay in Kentucky longer on his return, and so make up for lost time. Since I began this letter, the H.R. has passed a resolution for adjourning on the 17th July, which probably will pass the Senate. I hope this letter will not be disagreeable to you; which, together with the circumstances under which I write, I hope will excuse me for not writing a longer one. Come on just as soon as you can—I want to see you, and our dear
dear
boys very much. Everybody here wants to see our dear Bobby.

Affectionately,

A. L
INCOLN