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Authors: Noam Chomsky

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In the early years, it was barely possible to think about it. For one thing, the main battlefield was somewhere else. And secondly, it was hard enough to try to show that there was anything regular about languages – that there was something similar among them. Finally, it got to the point where you had some sort of sense of universals and principles about them that go beyond the complexities of individual languages, but there still remained a fundamental conceptual barrier that no one really understood, and that I think is not much understood now. The guiding framework for linguistic theory . . . let's go back, say, to the 1950s. The basic
theories in linguistics, such as they were, were procedural. That's European and American structuralism, which were basically the same in that respect. You had a corpus of data, you apply some procedures; you get units; you get some organization – and that's it. You can maybe believe that for phonemes, although it's tricky. But if you grant that, what are the next bigger units? Well, the next bigger units in terms of hierarchy are morphemes. But
morphemes just can't be found by procedures, because procedures will allow you basically to find beads in a string – bigger collections of them, and so on – and morphemes just aren't like that. So the past tense in English isn't a bead on a string, it's more abstract; it fits into the system somehow at a more abstract level by some sort of generative process. So that forces you to take a different point of view, to abandon the procedural approach, and what seemed the natural assumption – or at least, my assumption – was that what
universal grammar provides is a format for possible rule systems and a measure that picks the best instantiation of them. Given the data and given the format and given the measure, you can fix on a particular language. Well, that framework made it almost impossible to study the third
factor, and the reason is that the format has to be rich and restrictive enough, and highly articulated enough, so that it will yield only a small number of potential grammars, given data. So it's got to be a very complex, language-specific format; and if it's language-specific and rich and highly articulated, the third factor isn't doing much. That looked like an impassible barrier.
Because I was writing about it, I recently went through some of the records of the biolinguistics conferences in the sixties and seventies, and it's always schema, plan, position – which is what's wrong. It's just impassible. Language just has a highly
specific, highly articulated format, and that's the only way you can account for language acquisition. That looked to me, and to everybody, like a convincing argument. Well, when the principles and
parameters framework came along, it undercut that argument. It didn't answer the questions, but it undercut the argument, by looking at everything in a different way. Acquisition was disassociated from the format for grammar. Acquisition is fixing the parameters, and the grammar is whatever it is. It is no longer part of the
acquisition process, so it is at least conceivable that it's a best possible solution to other conditions. Then you can start worrying about the third factor.
JM:
To pursue the parallel for the social sciences: at least in the case of linguistics, there was some target science to which linguistics could be accommodated. The thought was: well, it's got something to do with biology
.
NC:
OK, but biology didn't help at all. You didn't get anything. The most that biology provided was comparative ethology – which amounted to little more than saying that all these guys who were saying that everything is stimulus-response are wrong. What could you find in biology?
JM:
Well, at least on the
assumption that language is unique to human beings – this would incorporate the ethology facts too – it would seem that that must have something to do with the fact that it is a biological characteristic of the species . . .
NC:
. . . an organ of some kind . . .
JM:
an organ of some sort
.
NC:
But nothing was known about [mental] organs. Remember that the beginnings of the understanding of the visual system that we have today came in around 1960. So that was coming out of the same background of interests.
JM:
Granted, you don't get any specific proposals of principles, or anything like that. But there was an appearance of universality and early acquisition, and a thought that that must be due to biology. Do you have anything like that for, say, economics? Again, in the case of the social sciences: I just don't know what would count as a target science . . .
NC:
I just don't think you can count much on borrowing from other sources. It's just never worked. If you can get some hints from something else, well, then, ok: but you're lucky.
JM:
But it did at least look like
linguistics should be seen as a branch of biology. That's what posed the ‘what about a third factor contribution?’ problem. Why else would the format idea with its need for a high degree of language specificity pose a problem? . . .
NC:
. . . that it could be
incorporated in
biology; but that might require a change in biology.
JM:
. . . granted
.
NC:
Biology itself provided almost nothing.
JM:
I must be very dense, but again: where would you go for the social sciences? Systems theory? What would you get?
NC:
Well, that's also a part of biology. You study ant colonies; that's a part of biology.
You don't get free passes in this game.
JM:
Agreed – fully. Many thanks, Noam. I won't take up any more of your
time
.
25
Linguistics and politics
 
JM:
What is the relationship between – I know you've been asked this several times (including by me), and you as often have for various reasons dodged the question –
NC:
. . . then I'll dodge it again; because I'm sure that the reasons still hold . . .
 
JM:
Well, I'll try anyway: what is the relationship between your linguistic work and your political work?
NC:
Well, it's principled, but it's weak . . .
JM:
You've said that there's no deep intellectual connection; I've always read that as saying that there's no way of deducing . . .
NC:
. . . there's no deductive connection. You could take any view on either of these topics, and it wouldn't be inconsistent to hold them . . . You know the line, and I don't have to repeat it. There's some point at which a commitment to
human freedom enters into both. But you can't do much with that in
itself.
Appendices
Appendix I: I-concepts, I-beliefs, and I-language
Chomsky's notion of an I-language was introduced in part (in
1986
) by appeal to a contrast with what he called an “
E-language” approach to the study of language. An E-language approach is one that studies language that is ‘externalized.’ One form that externalization might take is found in a philosophers’ favorite, the notion of a
public language. What is a public language?
David Lewis and Wilfrid Sellars, among many others, assume that a language is an institution shared by individuals in a population, taught by training procedures with the aim of getting the child to conform to the rules for word and sentence usage (for Lewis, “conventions,” and for Sellars, “practices”) of the relevant population. This view turns out to be hopeless as a basis for scientific research for reasons taken up in
appendices VI
and
XI
. It does, however, conform quite nicely to a commonsense conception of language.
Another version of an E-language approach is found in
Quine, where he insists that there is no “fact of the matter” with regard to deciding between two grammars for ‘a language,’ so long as they are “
extensionally equivalent.” To say that they are extensionally equivalent, each would have to generate all and only the same set of sentences, where a sentence is understood to be a ‘string’ of ‘words.’ To make sense of this, one must think that it is possible to identify a language for purposes of scientific investigation with a set – an infinite set – of strings. However, that belief is erroneous, for several reasons that become clear below; essentially, a
language is a system in the head that has the competence to generate a potential infinity of sound–meaning pairs, where these pairs are defined by appeal to the theory, as is the recursive procedure that can yield them. What a person actually produces in various contexts during his or her lifetime is a very different creature: in Chomsky's terminology, it is an “epiphenomenon,” not a grouping of strings that can be the subject matter of a naturalistic scientific effort.
Still another
way to construe a language ‘externally’ is to conceive of it as an abstract entity of some sort, located not in the head, but in some abstract realm. This view raises many questions unique to it – what is this abstract entity, where is it, how do people acquire it, how does it play a role in speech/sign production, how does it differ from the naturalistic description of
the language organ, among others. Moreover, given a choice between an existing natural science of language with a good track record (Chomsky's) and a proposal that lacks evidence, serious theoretical proposals, or plausible answers to any of the questions mentioned, there is nothing to recommend it.
An I-language approach, in contrast, is a study of language that is “in the mind/brain.”
I
here stands for “individual, internal, and intensional” and – one could add – “innate and intrinsic.” This approach assumes that the target of the science of language is a
system in a person's head that is a (developed, grown) state of a “mental faculty,” a mental faculty that can be investigated using the methods of the natural sciences, which – among other things – idealize and offer naturalistic and empirically supportable hypotheses concerning the natures of their subject matters. To offer an hypothesis is to provide a theory of what that internal system is and – since any individual's I-language is a developed state of an initial,
universal state (called Universal Grammar) – one is committed to thinking of an I-language as a grown/developed biological ‘organ’ in a person's mind/brain, and to conceiving of the science of language in the form of a computational theory of system ‘in the head’ as an abstract version of biology – essentially, as an I-language. A satisfactory naturalistic theory of an I-language cannot limit itself to a single person's head at a specific stage of development and lexical store. Rather, a descriptively and explanatorily adequate science of language is a science that describes and
explains the growth and
biophysically possible final states of a system inside the head. To develop a theoretical under-standing of any such system – of any specific I-language – the only way is to construct a theory that will encompass it and all others. That requires a theory that hypothesizes a biophysically fixed “initial state” (Universal Grammar). With this theory and adequate theoretical descriptions of how, given experience (input), biology and other natural systems constrain growth/development from an initial state to a stable, final state, we would have a way to describe the growth of any I-language. That makes the I-language approach to language intensional: the theory says what a language can be/is, and any biophysically possible language is a recursive system in the head, not a set of sentences ‘out there’ in some sense, whether a set of practices of a population, a set of strings, or an abstract entity. The science of language offers a formal theory of the system and its possible states; in doing so, it specifies with a formal or mathematical function the developed state of any specific person's language faculty, a faculty that takes words (theoretically defined) as input and yields expressions/sentences (formally defined) as outputs. The function is specified “under intension,” not (
per impossibile
) via enumerating its (infinite) output. Thus, a
language is internal; it is also individual (think of each person's state of their universal language faculty as something like an idiolect, even though that is a dubious notion); and it is intensional. It is also
innate, by virtue of an assumption – that language is a biophysical system – that is warranted because the biophysical theories of it are successful. And it and its properties are studied not in their relationship to something else ‘outside,’ but in terms of their intrinsic properties. That is part of what Chomsky means when he says that his study of language, including the study of linguistic meaning, is “syntactic.” The point is explained in
Appendix XI
.
In addition to I-languages,
one can speak of I-concepts and I-beliefs. Chomsky explains in the interchange below:
JM:
I-concept and I-belief: what are they?
NC:
Well, [I-] internal, individual, and intensional where
intensional
amounts here to ‘theory-defined’ . . . take me. I have some way of interpreting and thinking about the world, applying my actions, and so on and so forth, and we don't really know how it's done, but there are presumably some elements that enter into shaping ways of thinking about the world. Whatever they are, we call them concepts. It's like Newton saying that the smallest elements of the world are corpuscles. I don't know what they are, but there have got to be some. So whatever is there in the head that is used for shaping the ways we conceive and perceive the world, there are concepts. And we can presumably make more complicated constructions out of them, and those are what we call thoughts. Now some of them we have a degree of confidence in, and those we call beliefs. But as to what they are, that is a scientific question; it's a matter of finding out what the world is made up of.
I
, then, just means ‘I.’
Now, the standard view of this is that these
things – concepts, beliefs, and so on – are outside of people's heads in some kind of universe . . .
JM:
Fregean abstract entities, perhaps . . .
NC:
I don't see a reason to believe any of that. In fact, I think that historically a lot of those ways of thinking about things come from the fact that the work is mostly done in English and German, which happen to be very
nominalizing languages. English in particular – take the word
belief
. It can't be translated into many other languages, except with a paraphrase involving a verb. These are English conceptions which have rough counterparts in other languages, but in most languages, there's no such thing as belief, and there's no such word as
believe
, it's
think
. Take Hebrew, for example. There is a word for
I believe
, and it means ‘I have faith.’ If you want to say
I believe it's raining
, you say
I think it's raining
. And most other languages are like that. Now, English goes beyond that and even nominalizes the notion of [thought]. If Wittgenstein and John Austin and so on taught us anything, it's at least not to do that.
JM:
Not to mention some seventeenth- and eighteenth-century philosophers. And I take it that the assumption is also that individuals – who happen to be, say, English speakers – don't necessarily share the same I-concepts
.
NC:
Any more than that they share the same language, or visual system. There's no English vision, or American visual system. There's my [I-]visual system.
JM:
Again, what are
I-beliefs?
NC:
Whatever thoughts we have that we have some confidence in . . . whatever they might turn out to be. We don't know what they might turn out to be. I mean, we make the best guess we can, but we can't take it too seriously, any more than you can take the domain of corpuscles too seriously. There's something – there are some building blocks – but who knows what they are?
I was reading
Science
magazine last night; it has an interesting article on water.
Apparently the H
2
O molecule is one of the most complicated molecules there is because of its different states. There are different angles, different bonds, so different structures . . . [See Ruan
et al
. (
2004
) and Wernet
et al
. (
2004
), plus a follow-up article to both: Zubavicus & Grunze (
2004
).] Water assumes different configurations depending on different chemical environments, with different bond angles, and different bond lengths; it forms and reforms in various configurations while undergoing changes in temperature, substrate, pressure, etc. Its surface or ‘interface’ properties – those that play a crucial role in all sorts of processes, including critical biological and physiological ones – are variable and depend on a large number of internal and external factors. It's a very complex object which, the better techniques there are for studying it, the less confident we become that we understand it. So, what philosophers speculate about when they for various reasons identify water with H
2
O . . .
JM:
. . . well, nothing will stop
them
.
NC:
No.
Appendix II: The several uses of “function”
To understand better what is at stake, it helps to taxonomize some of the several uses of the term “function.” Along the way, I speak to what appear to be features of Chomsky's views of science, of common sense, and of our access to the world through the concepts that we have available in common sense and that we can create in the sciences. While I cover these topics in other appendices in more detail, I raise them here too because the term “function” has different uses in the sciences than it does in the commonsense framework, and conflating the frameworks risks conflating the uses of the term. The two frameworks have very different orientations: they serve different kinds of human cognitive project. The kind of understanding one gets in common sense serves the interests of agents who must act to satisfy their needs and desires. Because of this orientation, it is no surprise that common sense and the concepts it makes available to understand the world and others – the concepts expressed in natural languages – have an anthropocentric focus. Nor should it be a surprise that the
various metaphysical and epistemological ‘theories’ offered by the majority of philosophers from Plato on are anthropocentric. Consider, for example, Aristotle's universe with the earth at its core, Moore's commonsense philosophy, Wittgenstein and “ordinary language philosophy,” and the currently still-popular view of language as a social institution, made by humans to serve their epistemic interests, and transmitted in training procedures. The sciences – at least, the advanced mathematical ones – have developed slowly over centuries and increasingly won a struggle against the pull of common sense and its anthropocentric orientation. They are oriented toward objective description and explanation and, as scientists early in the seventeenth century soon found out, the picture the sciences paint of the world and of human beings is very different from that depicted in common sense.
Biology, a science of particular interest in the study of language, seems still to be in transition; it seems still to owe some allegiance to commonsense
understanding. Darwin's view of natural selection (even supplemented with genes in what is now called “neo-Darwinism”) and the concept of adaptation built on it remains indebted to what
Alan Turing and
Richard Lewontin call
“history,” not to mathematical formal theories of structure and form and to the constraints they impose on both potential modifications in and growth/development of organisms. Indeed, there are some naïve versions of selection and adaptation that appear in evolutionary discussions that are difficult to distinguish from historicized versions of
behaviorism, a point B. F. Skinner emphasized in his
Beyond Freedom and Dignity
(
1971
). Chomsky remarks on this in the main text. But the
explanatory role of ‘history’ in biology is likely to diminish. “Evo-devo,” discoveries of a massive degree of conservation in genetic materials across all species, recognition of the crucial role of gene placement and of their timing mechanisms in explaining structure and its development, plus other work in biology – including Chomsky's contributions to the biology of language – have emphasized the role of other naturalistic sciences such as physics and chemistry, and accounts of
formal constraints on development and growth that constrain naturally possible forms. In the case of biology, these impose constraints on biological structure and possible variations and modifications in biological systems, including individual mental ‘organs.’ This has had the effect of reducing the role of selection in the explanation of structure, making it less important: it ‘chooses’ which structures will survive, and does not always do so efficiently – as Chomsky points out in our 2009 update discussion on pages 51–52. It does not create or build structure in any interesting way; that is in large measure due to contributions to possible form mentioned above. For an overview of the many issues involved in what seems to be at least the partial dethroning of the role of natural selection in biological
explanation, see Stephen J. Gould's monumental (
2002
)
The Structure of Evolutionary Theory
. See also Chomsky's views on the topic in the main text and writings, related to those found in Part I of Jerry Fodor and Massimo Piattelli-Palmarini's
What Darwin Got Wrong
(
2010
).
II.1
Common sense and interest-dependent function
 
In our everyday lives, operating from a very early age within the commonsense framework as we do, we think and speak of the functions of things, systems, institutions, and the like, and assign these things and ‘things’ different functions (often equivalent to jobs, tasks, or roles). It is difficult to insist on a unique function for anything as it is conceived in this understanding of the world. Water as understood on one occasion is something that can be used to drink and slake the thirst; on other occasions, it is seen as something to cool us, to irrigate crops, to wash, to dilute spirits, to swim, to float boats, and so on. A government's function can be seen as introducing laws, but also as satisfying human needs, guaranteeing rights, controlling violence, engaging in defense, and so on. Words and sentences (as understood from within
common sense, where these are taken to be artifacts, not natural objects) are used to classify, describe, refer, insist, cajole, make claims, and – a favorite of many, and often claimed to be essential in some way – communicate. A railroad carries freight, transports passengers, provides income to workers, etc. Organic entities and body parts too are seen as having various functions. The skin acts as a barrier to dirt and disease, serves as something to caress or be caressed, to cool the body, to provide for some kinds of communication, and so on. Tigers are objects of admiration, poaching, ecological balance, taxonomy, taxidermy, the sources of potions, etc.
Understood in this way, the functions of things as understood in common sense are functions-for-doing-something or functions-for-serving-an-interest. When we speak of a bird's wings as allowing it to fly, we understand the bird as agent satisfying needs, and when we see them in their display role in a mating dance, we see them as meeting an organism's needs by serving to communicate. When we speak of something as having a function for us in particular, we conceive it in our various efforts to deal with the world and speak about it and the people in it. To assign a function to something is to give it a role in solving some problem or carrying out some task that serves practical (not scientific theoretical) interests. We put the things and ‘things’ of the commonsense framework to various uses in our efforts to serve our interests by using these things to deal with various practical problems, problems often resolved by carrying out actions and procedures – putting out the dog, caring for a child or elderly relative, washing the clothes, describing what happened in a court of law, and so on. Remarkably, our commonsense concepts of these things – our nominal (noun-expressed) concepts of water, governments, skin, railroads, words, etc – seem to invite and even support this kind of flexibility in their use. It is not just that their use is a form of action, and action is free. In fact, the concepts themselves seem to be sensitive to human actions and interests, guiding our thoughts and intuitions about the things that they characterize. Consider the
concept WATER, often an object case for Chomsky (
1995a
,
2000
). Water ceases to be water when a teabag is put into it – an absurdity from the point of view of natural science, where there is no water, for the concept WATER is not to be found, only a compound of ‘normal’ hydrogen and oxygen atoms (not isotopes, as with deuterium and tritium, which have isotopes of hydrogen) with some very interesting properties that can only be defined and understood from within the sciences that deal with this compound (see above, p. 156). Neither water nor tea is found in science, but they are in common sense, along with an understanding of water as transformable into tea. That transformation and the substances involved matter to us in our everyday lives; they all serve our interests and actions. And rivers (as the discussion of the main text indicates) cease to be rivers when the water in them is subjected to a phase change that
solidifies it and a highway divider line is painted in the middle of what is now solid. Chemical composition is irrelevant: water coming from a tap is water, even though it is filtered at the municipal water works through a tea filter and has exactly the same composition as the tea. That is because what comes from a tap from this source is water, period. It is not clear how concepts such as these can (and do) allow for and in their application are sensitive to the various interests that people have when they conceive of the things in question, employing them in different projects. However, the facts are reasonably clear. We gerrymander the functions for us of the entities and systems they allow us to classify and speak of in terms of our variable (although typically related in some way) projects and tasks and the interests they serve. And commonsense concepts of things appear to allow and support this, at least within limits – limits prescribed, presumably, by the features that make up the concept in question.
In a paragraph above I placed words and sentences among the things of the commonsense framework. That is how they are seen in this domain: they are ‘things’ that come from people's mouths, are written on pieces of paper, and do various jobs for us, serving interests in various ways. We think of them as tools; we “do things with words,” as
J. L. Austin (
1975
) put it. There are important differences between ‘things’ like words and sentences and things like water, tables, and people. Words and sentences, unlike the others, are seen as tools that people use to describe, speculate, convince, classify, question, communicate, and so forth. They are seen as
entities that humans use to refer and assert, complain and praise, and – anomalously, assuming that words come ‘out loud’ – silently think and ruminate. They are sometimes used to “speak of” or “refer to” – as is said – things and circumstances in the world. When successfully used in this way, one might say, they
represent things and circumstances. They are when so used ‘about’ things and circumstances.
Notice that for this way of putting the matter, words and sentences are not ‘about’ things all by themselves. They have to be used in the relevant ways (successfully, on some accounts) and, in this sense,
reference and ‘aboutness’ come about because that is how we happen to use some words and sentences, sometimes. Chomsky, unlike many who do
semantics in philosophy and linguistics, takes this point seriously. It is one of the background assumptions of his naturalistic internalist approach to the mind's systems and their operations. His internalism is discussed elsewhere in this volume, as is the point about reference, so I do not pursue these matters here. It is, however, worth mentioning that his picture of language and the mind, a picture painted from the point of view not of common sense but of science, can make sense of why the scientist of mind
should
take the point seriously, and why if one takes it seriously, we can get some insight into how and why ‘the things of the
commonsense world’ come to seem to have such variable functions-for-us. To be brief, assume first that
natural languages ‘express’ commonsense concepts; for some discussion, see Chomsky (
1975
,
1995a
,
2000
). Part of what is involved in expressing such concepts is making them available to the rest of the mind. To make sense of what that involves, assume (as current science of the mind makes plausible) that the mind is made up of many different modules such as vision (perhaps parts of vision too), audition, and the language system, including its core
computational system. Assume further – and again plausibly – that language's computational system combines lexical items (‘words’) consisting of ‘sound’- and ‘meaning’-specifying (or ‘concept’-specifying) features and combines these to make complexes called “expressions” (‘sentences’) that amount to a complex of phonetic features at
phonetic/phonological “
interfaces” PHONs and a complex of semantic or ‘meaning’ features at ‘meaning’ interfaces SEMs (or LFs). On the ‘other side’ of each interface are other systems that articulate and perceive (with the PHON interface), or ‘interpret’ and ‘understand’ with the SEM one. Focusing on the SEM or ‘meaning’ and conceptual interface and its work, assume that the relevant features ‘communicate’ with and ‘instruct’ various other systems, presumably including vision (connected in some way to object-configuration systems and likely separate visual-configuration systems), plus affective and attitudinal systems, social hierarchy systems, what is sometimes called “imagination,” spatial and temporal locations systems, and so on.
Imagination might offer some resources for a kind of cognitive autonomy – several philosophers in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries attributed imagination to animals, and said that this afforded them a limited kind of mental creativity – but perhaps the language system alone is capable of going virtually completely ‘off line’ to operate autonomously while still enabling use of the resources provided by other systems – giving humans the ability to speculate and wonder, take their thoughts to any situation at any time, fantasize, engage in all kinds of thought, and so on. We need not assume so, however, to acknowledge that in any case in which a SEM and its conceptual ‘information’ is used (that is, when it plays a partial role in interpretation or understanding), multiple systems come into play and that these can vary from case to case. If so, it is no surprise that the
concepts or clusters of semantic information that are expressed at SEM can receive multiple applications, skewed to serve various human interests. So
of course
commonsense things are seen to have and serve various functions, for they are seen in different ways through the lenses provided by different, multiple systems interacting. Nor is it surprising that one gets a massive interaction effect, with no hope of a determinate, scientific theory of ‘what happens’ on the other side of SEM. Apparently, there is no central, integrating module, a system that does the job that terms such as “mind,” “agent,” and
“homunculus” are asked to do.
1
Yet there is obviously some form of cooperation: people do succeed at consolidating what they have available to act and to understand one another, at least approximately. So it is likely that the best we can ever do as scientists of the mind is speak of how persons use language and the concepts it expresses to accomplish various things, including referring.
2
For some discussion, see McGilvray (
2005b
), the introduction and text of the 2009 edition of Chomsky (
1966
/2002/2009), and the discussion of linguistic creativity elsewhere in the current text.
Returning now to the
discussion of functions-for-us, some artifact concepts might seem to be exceptions to the idea that there is no single, dominant use or function of a class of entities in terms of which a concept can be specified, and perhaps even defined. Not GOVERNMENT, clearly, but an artifact concept such as CHAIR might seem to specify something like a single
essential
use, so that even if we put chairs to various uses (to serve various functions related to our interests), the concept CHAIR nevertheless expresses a function that anything that can be understood in any way as a chair must serve. A chair must be something to sit on, we say. It is, after all, made by humans to do this job, we think. So could this be said to be a primary or essential function or role, and CHAIR defined in terms of this function?
Aristotle tried something like this with his elements (earth, air, fire, water, ether): they had an essence definable in terms of what they were claimed to ‘do’ in his picture of the universe. Earth falls when released, because that is what it is ‘made’ to do. No one can take this seriously in the sciences now, of course: it presupposes that the things in the worlds described by the sciences
are like artifacts. Hadrons would have to be thought to be artifacts not of humans, but of a god. But could it work for some of our artifact concepts – at least those where a maker's intention plays an important role, and there is also a plausible claim to the effect that a single
intention is in question? Some have staked quite a lot on this idea: a fair amount of work on the identity of works of art, for example, assigns a heavy role to artist intentions in creating a work. As for chairs, one must grant that “something to sit on” is just one function of a chair among others. We who deal with chairs also conceive and understand them as serving, and use them to serve, all kinds of functions. We stand on chairs, use them to weigh down carpets and to cover their blemishes – or to cover gouges on a floor. We display them as signs of wealth, social status, or preference for a specific style, and so on. Still, although used in many ways to perform many tasks for us, is it not the intention of their makers that they be something to sit on, and if they failed to be something to sit on, they would not be chairs? This too is dubious: for what it is worth, my intuitions tell me a broken chair is a chair. Perhaps more obviously: a chair displayed in a museum with signs indicating that it may not be sat upon is a chair. Moreover, maker's intention with regard to function cannot be all there is to it. Benches, stools, sofas, and loveseats are also made to serve as things on which to sit. Also, one can sit on any number of things, including boulders and branches, and they serve this function, when so used. So there must be something more to defining the commonsense concept CHAIR than appealing to a single function, however ‘primary’ by virtue of the intention of their more utilitarian manufacturers it might appear to be. To return to
Aristotle, perhaps at the very least one should speak to the other ‘causes’ of chair: the concept CHAIR should ‘say’ something about their geometry, appropriate materials from which they can be made, and indicate that chairs are (typically?) artifacts. Or consider Aristotle on HOUSE: it is something in which one can dwell (final cause), made of appropriate materials (material), constructed by humans (an artifact: efficient cause), etc. Perhaps adding this other information will satisfy some. But for the scientist of mind and language, it is not clear what the point of the exercise is. It does not succeed as definition as the scientist conceives it. It looks like, and is, an effort to catalogue a rather small group of cases where there is a fair degree of convergence in the ways a population thinks of and uses terms such as “chair.” It is an exercise in what
Wittgenstein called “description of use,” rather than a description of the concept as found in the mind, joined to an account of how it developed or grew, and an account of just how it ‘affects’ its use. Perhaps that is what Aristotle was aiming at, rather than describing the use of a term. Perhaps as were later philosopher-scientists such as
Ralph Cudworth, he was looking for a way to capture what the idea/concept HOUSE is, and how it ‘works’ (and develops).

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