The Timor Man (59 page)

Coleman's secretary knew that would be most unprofessional of her and simply illogical on his part, as she was conscious of her age and homely appearance. Hart could only want something that she wasn't prepared to or was unable to give him. Information, always information.

“
Okay. Phone him now and let him know what flight I'm on. He's sitting down at the coffee shop and I guess you know where.
” Stephen smiled at her.

“
Consider it done, boss.
”

Hart was a creature of habit and nearly always preferred to eat there. Coleman thanked the woman.

The time passed quickly and he was reminded by the staff that the car was standing by. His clothes already packed by the
jongus
and with tickets and passport in hand, he locked the private room after removing the tapes from the telex, then carried out one final check before leaving. He put his head into the office section and waved at his secretary.

“
Bye
,” was all he said.

“
Oh, boss!
” she called as he closed the door, “
I managed to get through to Mister Hart. He said that he wouldn't be back here today as he needed to return to the Jalan Thamrin office. He said to wish you a good trip.
”

Ten minutes later he left for the airport in one of the Nissan Cedrics that had been parked below, the air inside already cooled. Stephen was pleased to be leaving. He thought about his house guests. He expected that Albert and Wanti would assume that he had left because he was angry. This, under any other circumstances may have been so. The obvious discomfort they all experienced as a result of Albert's disclosure certainly supported this action. This suited his plans although he felt a twinge of remorse at not having spoken to Wanti at any real length.

The traffic moved quickly and Stephen arrived at the airport in less than half an hour and checked in, as his flight had already been called. He was pleased that it was on time. Stephen was looking forward to an evening in Hong Kong. ‘Maybe I'll phone Mr Lim,' he thought.

 

As he boarded the wide-bodied jet, Coleman identified a familiar face sitting half forward in the first-class section. It was John Anderson. He was about to speak but decided just to smile and nod, acknowledging the man's presence. Coleman then permitted the stewardess to escort him to his seat.

Being naturally suspicious, Coleman could not help but feel a slight discomfort at bumping into this man and at this time. He immediately hoped that it was mere coincidence that they were to share the same flight. Stephen resisted the temptation to move out of his seat and speak to the man. The aircraft's first class section was practically empty and it would not have been too difficult to make the gesture.

As he accepted the Chivas and ice from the hostess, Stephen thanked the Garuda stewardess politely in her own language.

“
Tuan can speak Indonesian?
” she asked.

“
Of course
,” he answered.

“
Tuan is very fluent
,” she smiled warmly.

Coleman laughed. He needed the quick exchange, if for no other reason but than to distract him from the dark thoughts which immediately sprang to mind as he boarded the aircraft. He didn't like surprises and this chance meeting already had the ominous signs of ASIS stamped all over it. If Anderson's presence had been orchestrated, how could they possibly have known he was leaving when he himself only knew less than a few hours before the aircraft departed? He sipped the soft and soothing elixir, forcing the attack of paranoia back into the depths of his other thoughts.

The weather was good. He was already feeling a little more relaxed. The smiling stewardess stood beside his seat and inclined her head with a smile as she held the bottle firmly. Stephen accepted another Chivas, then settled back as the crew completed their final checks for departure.

The DC-10 lifted and banked to the east and the opposite side of the airfield across from the international terminal came into view. The military shared the airfield with the International Terminal. Funding for the upgrading had been arranged through non-military aid programs. HANKAM had willingly surrendered their control over the facility until the improvements had been completed, resulting in new runway surfaces which, in the future, could withstand the onslaught of fully laden Boeing 747s. According to international lending authorities, these futuristic aircraft would bring mega-dollars which would, in turn, repay loans provided for the development of the country's tourist industry. The airport's runway and other facilities had been completed, on time, and in accordance with United States Air Force specifications to enable B-52s an easy access with a full load, should their deployment become necessary in the future. Upon completion, the Indonesian Air Force reactivated most of its dormant facilities and recommenced Hercules and other military flights directly from the restructured airport.

Coleman stared out to where the hangers housed the military squadrons. There was considerable activity. He identified the recently refurbished C-130s which the Americans had refitted and supported with a generous supply of spare parts. He smiled and gave the aircraft a mock salute, for it had been a profitable contract for all concerned. American aircraft were always in demand. He considered the looming political issues and wondered if the pendulum would swing in Indonesia's favour, or would the Americans be obliged to bend under world opinion. The United States Congress would not permit the sale or gift of any of its military hardware to another nation should the intent be to use the equipment for expansionist purposes. They were quite clear on this point.

Stephen wondered how long it would take for the Americans to cease supporting the Indonesian military machine. After all, their newly acquired friends had invaded a neighbouring country and engaged in extreme military action. Along with everyone else, he was not quite sure just whose sovereignty had been violated as the former colony's status was still most unclear. The region would remain in a state of limbo until a clear signal had been sent by the United Nations, which he knew meant the United States, as to who should assume control over the desolate and insignificant piece of real estate called East Timor.

The Broncos would be a problem, Stephen mused. There was little doubt that the American Congress would put a hold on the delivery of the sophisticated aircraft as a result of the invasion. Originally, the deal appeared to have been struck as a direct result of the powerful Texas oil lobby.

The Americans had pulled out of Vietnam. Now they were investing heavily in Indonesia's oil and gas fields.

The Soviet-backed Vietnamese Air Force had suddenly acquired the strike capacity to threaten the rich gas fields of Natuna Island.

The Pentagon had quite cleverly decided to assist the Houston oil men. Congress required little persuasion to support the aviation package, not only because aircraft and defence sales were healthy for the United States economy, but also as this particular agreement provided for future protection of American interests while sending a clear message to Indonesia's more hostile neighbours that they were prepared to protect their trading partner's borders.

The American defence establishment had arranged the meeting which was attended by all the parties with vested interests in the future development of the field in question. As they sat around the table discussing the small island of Natuna which, according to satellite data and recent seismic interpretation, represented a massive oil and gas deposit, the Americans unanimously agreed that they must have control over the concession rights.

The parties were all aware that the island was in dispute as to who actually owned the potentially wealthy field. The Pentagon was adamant that it would not belong to the Vietnamese. The governments of Indonesia and the United States entered into a covert pact and, consequently, the aircraft were slated for delivery to the former pro-Communist country to protect itself from any possible intrusion by the newest Communist force in the region. Vietnam.

An airfield would have to be built quickly and quietly while funding needed to be diverted from other budgets to cover the construction costs. American engineers were consulted and the plan proceeded to the next stage. It was imperative that the ASEAN countries did not misinterpret the deployment of these aircraft as a hostile act nor speculate that Indonesia was positioning itself for an American re-entry into Vietnam.

The new airfield was not scheduled for completion until the Broncos had already been delivered to Indonesia and based at other airfields for at least one year. Indonesian pilots would require this time for training and logistical ordinance programs demanded strict scheduling procedures be implemented well before delivery. Neither country anticipated any real difficulty with the arrangements and within months of signing the joint defence memorandum, Indonesian pilots commenced their training in the United States.

The political storm started brewing when members of the Fourth Estate discovered the disappearance of some of their number in the Timor area. Accusations flew to and fro. However, as there was no clear evidence that the Indonesian forces were responsible in any way for the journalists' demise, Congress had little choice but to continue to support delivery of the sophisticated aircraft. Then came the Timor invasion. The Separatists had been powerless to prevent the action.

The Americans were immediately concerned that world opinion would turn against the Indonesians. They understood the complexity of Indonesia's position in relation to its regional partners and the separate commitments the United States had made with its neighbours, such as the Philippines and Thailand. However, the United States was still suffering the aftermath of their involvement in Vietnam and, consequently, pressure mounted on the politicians to veto delivery of any further military aid to the Soeharto regime.

There were many stories circulating at the time and both Seda and Coleman had heard them all. Rumours were, US satellite intelligence had proven the existence of considerable Eastern Bloc weaponry and had confirmed the presence of Cuban advisers in the former Portuguese colony. There were even fears that missiles had already been shipped to the area.

Coleman knew that under the ANZUS Treaty the United States was obliged to assist Australia and New Zealand in the event that hostile forces threatened their sovereignty. The Americans were not entirely convinced that the small Cuban presence in East Timor represented such a threat until their satellite photograph interpretation experts identified a substantial increase in Soviet arms already on ground in the disputed country and a disturbing array of large ominous containers. The United States Military Attaché in Canberra had reluctantly passed this information to his Australian counterpart. As a result of what appeared to be an aggressive Soviet move to support Cuba's adventurous incursion into areas outside its own sphere of influence in Latin America, satellite surveillance was stepped up to meet the new threat to regional stability, in the Far East.

Alarmed by these developments, the Pentagon believed that they had no choice but to circumvent their own congressional leaders and arrange for delivery of the aircraft as soon as was practical. The Americans were all too conscious of the dangers in permitting the Cubans to establish any form of missile capability on the strategically situated island. On the other hand, Congress would not permit support for the Indonesian violation of the newly created independent state, although FRETILIN's announcement had yet to be recognized formally by any of the world's leaders.

The Americans were confused with their friends Down Under. They had been closely monitoring the growing anti-American sentiment in both New Zealand and Australia ever since the 1973 withdrawal from Vietnam. The United States intelligence chiefs argued against informing the Australians of their intentions. Instead, they acted to cover their positions by insisting publicly that any country which enjoyed American military hardware, whether by gift or by purchase, could not use this equipment to assist or aid a third country involved in any expansionist military action.

Indonesia
obviously fitted the description perfectly, and the defence apparatus moved successfully in keeping the meddling Aussies out of what was potentially a most dangerous game. Besides, just weeks before Gough Whitlam, the country's former Prime Minister had pledged total support to the Soeharto government and where was he now? They were still unsure of the new Prime Minister, Fraser, but they understood that at least his party's politics were somewhat similar to theirs.

An unhappy American Ambassador to Australia was therefore instructed to inform his country's allies of the U.S. position.

The Indonesians could use the OV-10Fs against the Timorese as the aircraft was perfect for such action. Equipped with a twenty millimetre cannon and up to four missiles AURI believed that, with experienced pilots, they could wrap up the invasion in days. It was decided in secret that American interests could best be served if delivery of the Broncos was not delayed any further. The military sales program would be accelerated enabling earlier delivery of the Skyhawks as well.

Coleman contemplated the seriousness of the conflict. He hoped that his meeting in Hong Kong would provide the information necessary to allay his concerns. If not, he would need to take whatever action was appropriate to avoid what were potentially serious political repercussions as a result of the company's armament activities. Australians had always enjoyed a close relationship with the Indonesians.