The Woman Who Would Be King (53 page)

5.
The defacement usually included hacking with a broad chisel first, then chiseling with a finer tool, and finally polishing the stone surface for later recarving. In Hatshepsut’s Palace of Truth, the finer chiseling is unfinished and nowhere has the surface been polished, as if the workmen stopped in the middle of the proscription process. See Dorman,
Monuments of Senenmut
, 63, and Ann Macy Roth, “Erasing a Reign,” in Roehrig,
Hatshepsut: From Queen to Pharaoh
, 277–81.

6.
O’Connor, “Thutmose III: An Enigmatic Pharaoh,” 28.

7.
Blyth,
Karnak
, 81–84. It is not clear who walled in the lower part of Hatshepsut’s obelisks here, saving them from damage.

8.
See the removed figure of Hatshepsut from the northern obelisk of her first pair placed at eastern Karnak, which is now in the garden at the Egyptian Museum in Cairo. For images, see the obelisk page on Karl Leser’s website at
http://​maat-​ka-​ra.​de/
.

9.
See Blyth,
Karnak
, 84–86, and Dorman,
Monuments of Senenmut
, 65.

10.
Dorman,
Monuments of Senenmut
, 65.

11.
For the painstaking work done by the Metropolitan Museum of Art to reconstruct these statues, see Hayes,
Scepter of Egypt
, 90–102.

12.
Roehrig,
Hatshepsut: From Queen to Pharaoh
, 103.

13.
Dorman,
Monuments of Senenmut
, 64.

14.
Nims, “Date of the Dishonoring of Hatshepsut,” 97–100.

15.
Roth, “Erasing a Reign,” 281.

16.
Bryan writes, “Thus the same motivation that would have encouraged support for Hatshepsut’s sovereignty—protection of the dynastic line—also supported her dishonoring. The royal ancestry was protected carefully by replacing Hatshepsut’s name with those of Thutmose III, Thutmose I, and even Thutmose II” (“In Women Good and Bad Fortune Are on Earth,” 34).

17.
Maybe there were other sons of Thutmose III with better connections to Hatshepsut’s family who were being passed over. We have no idea if Nefrure was alive during the campaign of destruction against her mother, but members of Hatshepsut’s family, descended from Thutmose I and his queen, Ahmes, almost certainly were. Laboury creates an interesting argument for two rival dynastic lines. He says that Thutmose I had children from at least two different beds: Thutmose II was a son of Mutnofret while Hatshepsut was a daughter of Ahmes. When Thutmose I died, the kingship went to the branch of the family in which a son was still alive—namely, Mutnofret’s side. But with the premature death of the latter and the youth of Thutmose III, the other branch of the family created access to the throne through Hatshepsut. To Laboury, the fact that both Thutmose III and Hatshepsut referred only to their own family branches on their monuments supports the idea of a royal family divided: a danger to a very young crown prince, the future Amenhotep II (“Royal Portrait and Ideology,” 266–67).

18.
Prince Siamen is known from a statue of the treasurer Sennefer, who
lived under Hatshepsut. See Dodson and Hilton,
Complete Royal Families of Ancient Egypt
, 132–33.

19.
Roehrig, “Eighteenth Dynasty Titles,” 111–98, 336–37, 342, and Laboury, “Royal Portrait and Ideology,” 265.

20.
Roth, “Erasing a Reign,” 281. Hatshepsut needed to be removed only to pave the way for the coregency and sole kingship of Thutmose III’s son. After that happened smoothly, all interest in erasing her stopped. Indeed, the names and images of Hatshepsut were not damaged by Thutmose IV (son of Amenhotep II), Amenhotep III, or Akhenaten, the latter so well known for his zealous interest in destroying the names and images of the god Amen. However, Hatshepsut may have been judged harshly by the Ramesside kings because she is missing from the Abydos king list of Seti I.

21.
As the Egyptologist Peter Dorman argues, “The need for the proscription seems to have arisen toward the end of his reign and to have vanished shortly after Amenhotep II became co-ruler, two years before Thutmose III’s death” (
Monuments of Senenmut
, 269).

22.
Hatshepsut had done much the same when she had the names and images of her husband, Thutmose II, removed from Egypt’s sacred temples. She had obliterated the images of her own brother to position herself as her father’s heir and eldest child. The existence of Thutmose II on Egypt’s monuments put the success of her own claims to the throne in jeopardy. Thutmose III was just using the same tactic: removing Hatshepsut from Egypt’s temples to create a smooth and straight dynastic path for his son Amenhotep.

23.
Laboury, “Royal Portrait and Ideology,” 264–65.

24.
The next officeholder was Tiaa, the mother of Thutmose IV.

25.
Robins,
Women in Ancient Egypt
, 150. Merytre-Hatshepsut had no royal blood herself and her receipt of the position was unprecedented. The machinations surrounding appointments to this priestess post are interesting because the accession of Amenhotep II resembles a change in dynasty rather than a linear succession: a king from a new dynasty must quickly assign a new God’s Wife of Amen in direct relation to the king. Amenhotep II chose his own mother for the post.

26.
Bryan, “In Women Good and Bad Fortune Are on Earth,” 40.

27.
For Hatshepsut’s place in Manetho’s histories, see W. Waddell,
Manetho
(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: W. Heinemann, 1948), 101–19.

28.
Betsy M. Bryan, “Antecedents to Amenhotep III,” in
Amenhotep III: Perspectives on His Reign
, ed. David O’Connor and Eric H. Cline (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1997), 32.

29.
Bret Hinsch,
Women in Early Imperial China
, Asian Voices (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2002).

30.
Bryan, “In Women Good and Bad Fortune Are on Earth,” 28.

31.
Ibid., 29–30.

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