They Were Found Wanting (47 page)

This was a marvellous theory, which might not perhaps have held up if anyone had paused to ask who were the middlemen in the Austrian banking world, or even in that of Budapest. No one was prepared to hear a word against these comforting
predictions
, nor was the Corridor prepared to consider for a moment the suggestion put forward by the Andrassy Party and the People’s Party – who had always been opponents of an
independent
banking system – that it was the Rothschilds who were behind these articles because they realized that it was to their great financial empire that Hungary would have to turn to finance the establishment of a national bank, and so they would be able to grab for themselves the immense business such a
development
would entail. The Corridor’s view was that one should never listen to such unlikely rumours and anyhow what was wrong with making the Devil your partner if the country benefited?

The other great subject of discussion was the proposal for
introducing
general suffrage and everywhere it was rumoured that Andrassy was pushing the idea of a plural vote which meant that university graduates and other learned men would have two, or even three, votes each.

Rumour also had it that Andrassy, who was now considered by many people to be the Nigger in the Woodpile, was now busy redrawing the constituency boundaries so as to ensure that in
districts
where the ethnic minorities were in the majority, their vote would predominate just as the Hungarian vote would carry the day where Hungarians were in the majority. Who ever heard of such a thing, cried the chauvinists? Give a say to Romanians, Serbs and Slovaks in a Hungarian province? Make sure that in
districts
largely inhabited by such people a non-ethnic Hungarian would be able to win a seat? Merely to think such rubbish was unpatriotic! Of course there was always a simple way out – to reduce the numbers of members that represented the areas of mixed race and double those to be elected in such purely Hungarian districts as the Alfold – the Great Hungarian Plain – and the Dunantul. This was an especially attractive idea to the rank and file of the Independence Party since it was precisely where the Independence Party had its most loyal support. Such an arrangement, they whispered, would also ensure that
whatever
else happened their own party majority would be ensured for ever and ever.

Such an arrangement would also have the virtue, they cried, of rendering quite unnecessary the idea of the plural vote if Andrassy had planned this in the nation’s best interests; while if he had really intended it only as a privilege for university
graduates
then the idea should be thrown out at once as being a sinister attack on the Equality of Man!

This was what the Corridor, though in hushed tones, was
saying
about the proposals for reform of the voting laws and the introduction of universal suffrage; and the only significance of it was that people felt free to discuss the matter with such freedom

However, it happened there was at this time another issue of such importance that even the reform of voting rights took second place; this was the proposal to fuse the largest political parties – the Independence and Constitution Parties – with, perhaps, the inclusion also of the People’s Party. If this came about then only one effective party would exist and all political struggle would be for the benefit of that single party. And then it would be that
single
party which would enjoy the popularity of bringing in the reform of the voting rights. In this case, of course, plurality might not be such a bad idea after all, and neither would be the
redrawing
of the constituencies. Great Heavens! they were saying, better not close the door on such ideas; perhaps after all it would be
better
to keep their options open?

Then an awful doubt would strike – supposing, just supposing, that universal suffrage was brought in by a different party? Then it would be that party which earned the public’s acclaim. If it were not the Independence Party but some other that was responsible for introducing universal suffrage? Then it would be that party which would pocket all the popularity and not they but Andrassy, perhaps, who would benefit. Oh, no! they cried, we’re not going to be that sort of fool!

And so the talk went on, rumour tempering rumour, and all that was certain was that somewhere, secretly, discussions about a marriage of the great parties were taking place. Even the views of the party leaders were not known for sure. Some said that Kossuth was in favour while Justh was not. No one was quite sure what Ugron’s view was; but nearly everyone was in agreement that Polonyi was hedging his bets by talking to all sides at once … even though this might bring him into disrepute with the
government
. Still, politics were politics …

These subjects were, after all, purely internal problems for the members of the Coalition. There were others, however – external problems that united rather than divided the Coalitionists. The most important of these was the sinister import of Count Tisza’s political activities. The former Minister-President was suspected of every wickedness; it was he, they said, who was behind every obstacle that might hinder the achievement of the Coalition’s programme. Tisza was the only man who was feared by everyone, and hatred of him formed such a bond between the diverse
members
of the Coalition that it at least had the effect of keeping the alliance in being. If once we are divided, they said, then the dreaded Tisza would get in again – and that would be worse than anything! This fear had kept them together from the start.

More recently there had arisen another subject for
speculation
and rumour. This was not quite as exciting as getting worked up about the wicked Count Tisza, but it still served to keep people’s tongues wagging. This was the mysterious
goings-on
of Kristoffy.

Everyone remembered that in the spring Kristoffy had started to canvass the ideas of founding a Radical Party. Since then little had been heard of the project. Now, however, in September, the joyful news came that the idea had been abandoned, the party premises had been given up, and the party itself dissolved. The Corridor did not rejoice for long, for as soon as the new session had been opened it was revealed that what had really happened was that Kristoffy was now addressing himself to the vast
numbers
of agricultural workers rather than to the more limited ranks of those members of the middle-class who had a liking for radical ideas. Now, in association with a number of petty leaders from Pest, he had started to advertise meetings under such new names as the Peasants’ Party and the National Agricultural Workers’ Party. No one had ever heard of anything so absurd as to start organizing political parties formed of those people who owned nothing, and who talked irresponsibly of the redistribution of landed wealth and even of emigration.

No one in the independent camp had been worried by the
radicals
in the middle classes. That was only a minor irritation and in any case was confined to the towns and to a limited number of ineffective intellectuals. Neither were they worried by the apparent rise of trade union influence. Neither of those two issues was truly Hungarian, after all – one was merely play-acting, and of course the other was just a matter of Jewish
trouble-making
! Neither mattered at all. But to start stirring up the
village
people – that was quite another thing. That meant trouble. Just as people were beginning to get worried about Kristoffy the news came in that something similar was going on at Somogy. There some country bumpkin from Nagyatad, one Istvan Szabo, was making a real nuisance of himself. That, they said, really must be stopped – and quickly, for did not the Hungarian
peasantry
form their very own faithful band of loyal supporters? No one must be allowed to monkey about with them!

At once there was an outcry and the Corridor rang with calls for immediate and drastic, if not draconian, action. Andrassy must, they demanded, send out cohorts of gendarmes and put a stop to all this nonsense. Such gatherings as were now advertised must be strictly forbidden, on pain of God knows what, as it was clearly unpatriotic to distract the attention of simple electors from such vital matters as independent national banking and
customs
systems with subversive talk about minimum wage scales, the law of master and servant, and emigration. It was ridiculous to bring up these issues now. Why, had Daranyi not just
introduced
new legislation to deal with such matters, even though it had not yet come into force; and was there not a new
commissioner
to control all emigration matters and a new contract with the Cunard Line, not to speak of the magnificent
newly-constructed
clearing house for emigrants at Fiume? You only had to go and look; it was truly beautiful!

What irresponsible demagoguery it was to spread gossip about the Coalition not caring about the needs of ordinary people! How dared people say such things! It ought to be put a stop to!

If Andrassy wished, from the lordly height of his social position, to appear impartial, and therefore to make it clear that he respected the right of all people to gather together and express their political opinions, saying that
they
had the same rights of assembly as
us
, then someone should make it clear to him that
our
meetings are right and proper, because
we
are true patriots, whereas
they
are nothing but a band of lackeys and play-actors! Someone must tell him! And as for this new party: well, it just shouldn’t be allowed, it was as simple as that! In fact it was
everybody
’s patriotic duty to see that it was suppressed. If Andrassy failed to do his duty then someone should point out to him that in any case the 1848 Party still had a majority in the House and could therefore outvote anything anyone else might propose.

It was this sort of thing that was being said by those whose interests lay in the Great Hungarian Plain. Those whose interests were not so tied up with the country’s largest agricultural
province
merely shrugged their shoulders and asked themselves, and everyone else who would listen, whether there was any point in worrying about such things now when the next elections were still three years away.

The newly assembled Members of Parliament met each other in the corridor of the House and argued out these matters, some shouting their views for all to hear, others whispering in dark
corners
or plotting their next moves in the shadow of the drawing-room’s lofty pillars. No one, however, bothered to discuss what might be going on in other parts of the Dual Monarchy, let alone on the world’s great stage. It was true that at this time there were no world-shattering events to discuss – though what was happening outside the boundaries of Hungary proper was, for anyone with eyes to see, symptomatic of some very important trends.

For instance, there was the great ‘Sokolist’ meeting held at Susak, the sister-town of Fiume, at which the Czechs and Slovenes and Croats all fell on each others’ necks and embraced warmly. Shortly after this there were bloody riots in Kraijna when Slovenes and ethnic Germans fought a bloody battle – but as all this happened on Austrian territory no one in Budapest was much interested.

Nor was there much interest in the fact that the Ban of Croatia – Hungary’s own appointed viceroy – and his deputy were publicly insulted in Zagreb and now could not move about without a special escort of bodyguards. No one had much to say either about the long-drawn-out business of appointing the new Serbian Patriarch of Karloca, even though the first two candidates proposed by the Serbs were rejected by the monarch and a third had to be found who was considered acceptable to the state.

All these things were, of course, almost parochial since they were events within the boundaries of the Dual Monarchy. As to news from other parts of Europe, this was looked upon merely as a moving picture to be gazed at with amused detachment. No one really believed that what they now read in the foreign pages of the newspapers could possibly be of much significance.
Apparently
the British fleet had visited Reval! Oh, really? You realize it’s a most sinister display of Anglo-Russian friendship? Is it, indeed? Well, I never! The Bulgarian army has taken over control of the State Railways! Why on earth would they do that? Won’t it provoke the Turks? What rubbish! Prince Ferdinand would hardly be jaunting about all over Europe if he were planning to declare war. Isn’t he expected here tomorrow?

Leading articles in the London newspapers were now obsessed with the rumours that Austria was about to annex
Bosnia-Herzegovina
. What nonsense! cried the Hungarians. Don’t those stupid English journalists know that Austria alone cannot make decisions that affect the Austro-Hungarian Empire. And if they don’t even know that, what do they think they are scribbling about? In any case no one would think of such a thing! Would you? No, of course not, any more than I would … or anyone else for that matter. Anyway we live in peaceful times, which is why the Austrian Aehrenthal and the Russian Izvolsky have just had such a happy meeting at Buchlau. You’ve read all about that, haven’t you? Most reassuring! Really, what are those hysterical English writers worrying about?

Anyone arriving in the House on the morning of September 22nd 1908 could make his own choice of which of these themes he himself wished to discuss. He could also decide, in that famous corridor, how he would do it – with gay unconcern or serious
disapproval
, loudly or quietly in a discreet alcove, it was as he pleased. Only one rule had to be obeyed, if he were to find a
sympathetic
band of listeners, and that was that he must remain strictly within the mood of the Corridor and to do this he would have to express one or other of the views we have just described.