Tom Clancy's Jack Ryan Books 7-12 (43 page)

“What time is it in Moscow?” he asked tiredly.

“Same as always, six hours behind us, remember?”

“I’m going to send it to Washington, too.”

“Fine,” “Chekov” grunted. “I’m sure they’ll love it, Ivan Sergeyevich.”

Clark attached the phone line to the back of his computer and used the latter to dial up the fiberoptic line to Moscow. Transferring the report took less than a minute. He repeated the operation for the Interfax office in the American capital. It was pretty slick, John thought. The moment before the modem at one end linked up with the modem at the other sounded just like static—which it was. The mating signal was just a rough hiss unless you had a special chip, and he never called anyone but Russian press-agency offices. That the office in Washington might be tapped by the FBI was something else again. Finished, he kept one file and erased the other. Another day done, serving his country. Clark brushed his teeth before collapsing into his single bed.

“That was a fine speech, Goto-san.” Yamata poured a generous amount of sake into an exquisite porcelain cup. “You made things so clear.”

“Did you see how they responded to me!” The little man was bubbling now, his enthusiasm making his body swell before his host’s eyes.

“And tomorrow you will have your cabinet, and the day after you will have a new office, Hiroshi.”

“You’re certain?”

A nod and a smile that conveyed true respect. “Of course I am. My colleagues and I have spoken with our friends, and they have come to agree with us that you are the only man suited to save our country.”

“When will it begin?” Goto asked, suddenly sobered by the words, remembering exactly what his ascension would mean.

“When the people are with us.”

“Are you sure we can—”

“Yes, I am sure.” Yamata paused. “There is one problem, however.”

“What is that?”

“Your lady friend, Hiroshi. If the knowledge becomes public that you have an American mistress, it compromises you. We cannot afford that,” Yamata explained patiently. “I hope you will understand.”

“Kimba is a most pleasant diversion for me,” Goto objected politely.

“I have no doubt of it, but the Prime Minister can have his choice of diversions, and in any case we will be busy in the next month.” The amusing part was that he could build up the man on one hand and reduce him on the other, just as easily as he manipulated a child. And yet there was something disturbing about it all. More than one thing. How much had he told the girl? And what to do with her now?

“Poor thing, to send her home now, she will never know happiness again.”

“Undoubtedly true, but it must be done, my friend. Let me handle it for you? Better it should be done quietly, discreetly. You are on the television every day now. You cannot be seen to frequent that area as a private citizen would. There is too great a danger.”

The man about to be Prime Minister looked down, sipping his drink, so transparently measuring his personal pleasure against his duties to his country, surprising Yamata yet again—but no, not really. Goto was Goto, and he’d been chosen for his elevation as much—more—for his weaknesses than his strengths.

“Hai,”
he said after reflection. “Please see to it.”

“I know what to do,” Yamata assured him.

15

A Damned, Foolish Thing

Behind Ryan’s desk was a gadget called a STU-6. The acronym probably meant “secure telephone unit,” but he had never troubled himself to find out. It was about two feet square, and contained in a nicely made oak cabinet hand-crafted by the inmates of a federal prison. Inside were a half dozen green circuit-boards, populated with various chips whose function was to scramble and unscramble telephone signals. Having one of these in the office was one of the better government status symbols.

“Yeah,” Jack said, reaching back for the receiver.

“MP here. Something interesting came in. SANDALWOOD,” Mrs. Foley said, her voice distinct on the digital line. “Flip on your fax?”

“Go ahead and send it.” The STU-6 did that, too, fulfilling the function with a simple phone line that headed to Ryan’s facsimile printer. “Did you get the word to them—”

“Yes, we did.”

“Okay, wait a minute ...” Jack took the first page and started reading it. “This is Clark?” he asked.

“Correct. That’s why I’m fast-tracking it over to you. You know the guy as well as I do.”

“I saw the TV coverage. CNN says their crew got a little roughed up....” Ryan worked his way down the first page.

“Somebody bounced a soda can off the producer’s head. Nothing more serious than a headache, but it’s the first time anything like that has happened over there—that Ed and I remember, anyway.”

“Goddamn it!” Ryan said next.

“I thought you’d like that part.”

“Thanks for the heads-up, Mary Pat.”

“Glad to help.” The line went dead.

Ryan took his time. His temper, he knew, was always his greatest enemy. He decided to give himself a moment to stand and head out of his office to the nearest water cooler, which was tucked in his secretary’s office. Foggy Bottom, he’d heard, had once been a nice marsh before some fool had decided to drain it. What a pity the Sierra Club hadn’t been around then to force an environmental-impact statement. They were so good at obstructing things, and didn’t much care whether the things they halted were useful or not, and as a result they occasionally did some public good. But not this time, Ryan told himself, sitting back down. Then he lifted the STU-6 and punched the speed-dial button for State.

“Good morning, Mr. Secretary,” the National Security Advisor said pleasantly. “What’s the story about the demonstration outside the Tokyo Embassy yesterday?”

“You saw CNN the same as I did, I’m sure,” Hanson replied, as though it were not the function of an American embassy mission to provide better information than any citizen could get with his oatmeal.

“Yes, I did, as a matter of fact, but I would really like to have the opinion of embassy personnel, like maybe the political officer, maybe even the DCM,” Ryan said, allowing a little of his irritation to show. Ambassador Chuck Whiting was a recent political appointee, a former senator who had then become a Washington lawyer, and had actually represented some Japanese business interests, but the Deputy Chief of Mission was an experienced man and a Japan specialist who knew the culture.

“Walt decided to keep his people in. He didn’t want to provoke anything. I’m not going to fault him for that.”

“That may be, but I have in my hand an eyewitness report from an experienced field officer who—”

“I have it, too, Ryan. It looks alarmist to me. Who is this guy?”

“As I said, an experienced field officer.”

“Umm-hmm, I see he knows Iran.” Ryan could hear the crackle of paper over the phone. “That makes him a spook. I guess that colored his thinking a little. How much experience in Japan?”

“Not much, but—”

“There you are. Alarmist, as I said. You want me to follow up on it, though?”

“Yes, Mr. Secretary.”

“Okay, I’ll call Walt. Anything else? I’m prepping for Moscow, too.”

“Please, let’s light a fire under them?”

“Fine, Ryan. I’ll make sure that gets through. Remember, it’s already nighttime over there, okay?”

“Fine.” Ryan replaced the phone in its cradle and swore.
Mustn’t wake up the Ambassador.
He had several options. Typically, he took the most direct. He lifted his desk phone and punched the button for the President’s personal secretary.

“I need to talk to the boss for a few.”

“Thirty minutes?”

“That’ll be fine, thank you.”

The delay was explained by a ceremony in the East Room that Ryan had had on his daily schedule sheet, too, but had forgotten about. It was just too big for the Oval Office, which suited the secretarial staff. Ten TV cameras and a good hundred or so journalists watched as Roger Durling affixed his signature to the Trade Reform Act. The nature of the legislation demanded a number of pens, one for each letter of his name, which made the signing a lengthy and haphazard process. The first went, naturally enough, to Al Trent, who had authored the bill. The rest went to committee chairmen in the House and Senate, and also to selected minority members without whom the bill could not possibly have sailed through Congress as rapidly as it had. There was the usual applause, the usual handshakes, and a new entry was made in the United States Code, Annotated. The Trade Reform Act was now federal law.

One of the TV crews was from NHK. Their faces were glum. Next they would drive to the Commerce Department to interview the legal team that was analyzing Japanese laws and procedures for rapid duplication. It would be an unusually educational experience for the foreign journalists.

Like most senior government officials, Chris Cook had a TV in his office. He watched the signing on C-SPAN and, with it, saw the indefinite postponement of his entry into the “private” sector. It made him uneasy to accept outside payments while still a federal employee. They were going into a safe bank account, but it was illegal, wasn’t it? He didn’t really mean to break the law. Amity between America and Japan was important to him. It was now breaking down, and unless it could be rapidly restored, his career would stagnate and effectively end despite all the promise it had shown for so many years. And he needed the money. He had a dinner with Seiji scheduled for tonight. They had to discuss ways of making things right again, the Deputy Assistant Secretary of State told himself, returning to his work.

On Massachusetts Avenue, Seiji Nagumo was watching the same TV channel and was just as unhappy. Nothing would ever be the same again, he thought. Perhaps the new government ... no, Goto was a demagogic fool. His posturing and blustering would only make things worse. The sort of action needed was ... what?

For the first time in his career, Nagumo had no idea what that might be. Diplomacy had failed. Lobbying had failed. Even espionage, if one could call it that, had failed. Espionage? Was that the proper term? Well, technically, yes, he admitted. He was now paying money for information. Cook and others. At least they were well placed, at least he’d been able to warn his government, At least the Foreign Ministry knew that he’d done his best, as much as any man could do—more, really. And he’d keep trying, working through Cook to affect the way the Americans interpreted Japanese laws. But the Americans had a term for it: rearranging the deck chairs on the
Titanic.

Reflection only made it worse, and soon the only word for what he felt was anguish. His countrymen would suffer, America, the world. All because of one traffic accident that had killed six inconsequential people. It was madness.

Madness or not, it was how the world worked. A messenger came into his office and handed over a sealed envelope for which Nagumo had to sign. He waited until his office door closed again before he opened it.

The cover sheet told him much. The dispatch was eyes-only. Even the Ambassador would never learn of what he was now reading. The instructions on the next two pages made his hand shake.

Nagumo remembered his history. Franz Ferdinand, June 28, 1914, in the cursed city of Sarajevo, a titled nonentity, a man of such little consequence that no one of importance had troubled himself to attend the funeral, but his murder had been the “damned, foolish thing” to start the first war to span the globe. In this case the inconsequential people had been a police officer and some females.

And on such trivialities,
this
would happen? Nagumo went very pale, but he had no choice in the matter, because his life was driven by the same forces that turned the world on its axis.

Exercise DATELINE PARTNERS began at the scheduled time. Like most such war games, it was a combination of free play and strict rules. The size of the Pacific Ocean made for ample room, and the game would be played between Marcus Island, a Japanese possession, and Midway. The idea was to simulate a conflict between the U.S. Navy and a smaller but modern frigate force, played by the Japanese Navy. The odds were heavily loaded against the latter, but not completely so. Marcus Island—called Minami Tori-shima on their charts—was, for the purposes of the exercise, deemed to be a continental land mass. In fact the atoll consisted of a mere 740 acres, scarcely large enough for a meteorological station, a small fishing colony, and a single runway, from which would fly a trio of P-3C patrol aircraft. These could be administratively “shot down” by American fighters, but would return to life the next day. The commercial fishermen who also maintained a station on the island to harvest squid, kelp, and the occasional swordfish for their home markets welcomed the increased activity. The airmen had brought a cargo of beer which they would exchange for the fresh catch in what had become a friendly tradition.

Two of the three Orions lifted off before dawn, angling north and south, to search for the American carrier fleet. Their crewmen, aware of the trade problems between the two countries, concentrated on their mission. It was not an unknown mission to the Japanese Navy, after all. Their forefathers had done the same thing two generations before, in Kawasaki H8K2 flying boats—the same contractor that had built these Orions—to search for the marauding carriers commanded in turns by Halsey and Spruance. Many of the tactics they would employ today were based on lessons learned from that earlier conflict. The P-3Cs themselves were Japanese models of an American design that had begun life as turboprop airliners, then matured into rugged, powerful, if somewhat slow maritime patrol aircraft. As with most Japanese military aircraft, the American products had stopped at the basic profile. The power plants had since been developed and improved, giving the Orions a cruising speed boosted to 350 knots. The internal electronics were particularly good, especially the sensors designed to detect emissions from ships and aircraft. That was their mission for the moment, to fly out in large pie-shaped segments, listening for radar and radio signals that would announce the presence of American ships and aircraft. Reconnaissance: Find the enemy. That was the mission, and from press accounts and conversations with family members who worked in their country’s economy, thinking of Americans as the enemy didn’t even come all that hard.