Tom Clancy's Jack Ryan Books 7-12 (536 page)

“Is this a temporary thing? Surely this difficulty will pass, will it not?”

“Fang, we also do business in Italy, with the House of d‘Alberto, a major trendsetter in European fashion. They also canceled their relationship with us. It seems that the Italian man our police killed comes from a powerful and influential family. Our representative in Italy says that no Chinese firm will be able to do business there for some time. In other words, Minister, that ‘unfortunate incident’ with the churchmen is going to have grave consequences.”

“But these people have to purchase their cloth somewhere,” Fang objected.

“Indeed they do. And they will do so in Thailand, Singapore and Taiwan.”

“Is that possible?”

Ren nodded quickly and sadly. “It is very possible. Sources have told me that they are busily contacting our former business partners to ‘take up the slack,’ as they put it. You see, the Taiwan government has launched an aggressive campaign to distinguish themselves from us, and it would appear that their campaign is, for the moment, highly successful.”

“Well, Ren, surely you can find other customers for your goods,” Fang suggested with confidence.

But the industrialist shook his head. He hadn’t touched his tea and his eyes looked like wounds in a stone head. “Minister, America is the world’s largest such market, and it appears it will soon be closed to us. After that is Italy, and that door, also, has been slammed shut. Paris, London, even the avant-garde marketers in Denmark and Vienna will not even return our phone calls. I’ve had my representatives contact all potential markets, and they all say the same thing: No one wants to do business with China. Only America could save us, but America will not.”

“What will this cost you?”

“As I told you, one hundred forty million dollars just from the Butterfly account alone, and another similar amount from our other American and European businesses.”

Fang didn’t have to think long to calculate the take the PRC’s government got from that.

“Your colleagues?”

“I have spoken with several. The news is the same. The timing could hardly be worse.
All
of our contracts are coming due at the same time. We are talking
billions
of dollars, Minister.
Billions,”
he repeated.

Fang lit a cigarette. “I see,” he said. “What would it take to fix this?”

“Something to make America happy, not just the government, but the citizens, too.”

“Is that truly important?” Fang asked, somewhat tiredly. He’d heard this rubbish so many times from so many voices.

“Fang, in America people can buy their clothing from any number of stores and manufacturers, any number of marketers. The people choose which succeeds and which fails. Women’s clothing in particular is an industry as volatile as vapor. It does not take much to make such a company fail. As a result, those companies will not assume additional and unnecessary risks. To do business with the People’s Republic, now, today, is something they see as an unnecessary risk.”

Fang took a drag and thought about that. It was, actually, something he’d always known, intellectually, but never quite appreciated. America was a different place, and it did have different rules. And since China wanted American money, China had to abide by those rules. That wasn’t politics. That was practicality.

“So, you want me to do what?”

“Please,
tell your fellow ministers that this could mean financial ruin for us. Certainly for my industry, and we are a valuable asset for our country. We bring wealth into China. If you want that wealth to spend on other things, then you must pay attention to what we need in order to get you that wealth.” What Ren could not say was that he and his fellow industrialists were the ones who made the Politburo’s economic (and therefore, also political) agenda possible, and that therefore the Politburo needed to listen to them once in a while. But Fang knew what the Politburo would say in reply. A horse may pull the cart, but you do not ask the horse where it wishes to go.

Such was political reality in the People’s Republic of China. Fang knew that Ren had been around the world, that he had a sizable personal fortune which the PRC had graciously allowed him to accumulate, and that, probably more important, he had the intelligence and personal industry to thrive anywhere he chose to live. Fang knew also that Ren could fly to Taiwan and get financing to build a factory there, where he could employ others who looked and spoke Chinese, and he’d make money there
and
get some political influence in the bargain. Most of all, he knew that Ren knew this. Would he act upon it? Probably not. He was Chinese, a citizen of the mainland. This was
his
land, and he had no desire to leave it, else he would not be here now, pleading his case to the one minister—well, probably Qian Kun would listen also—whose ear might be receptive to his words. Ren was a patriot, but not a communist. What an odd duality that was ...

Fang stood. This meeting had gone far enough. “I will do this, my friend,” he told his visitor. “And I will let you know what develops.”

“Thank you, Comrade Minister.” Ren bowed and took his leave, not looking better, but pleased that someone had actually listened to him. Listening was not what one expected of Politburo members.

Fang sat back down and lit another cigarette, then reached for his tea. He thought for a minute or so. “Ming!” he called loudly. It took seven seconds by his watch.

“Yes, Minister?”

“What news articles do you have for me?” he asked. His secretary disappeared for another few seconds, then reappeared, holding a few pages.

“Here, Minister, just printed up. This one may be of particular interest.”

“This one” was a cover story from
The Wall Street Journal.
“Major Shift in China Business?” it proclaimed. The question mark was entirely rhetorical, he saw in the first paragraph. Ren was right. He had to discuss this with the rest of the Politburo.

T
he second major item in Bondarenko’s morning was observing tank gunnery. His men had the newest variant of the T-80UM main battle tank. It wasn’t quite the newest T- 99 that was just coming into production. This UM did, however, have a decent fire-control system, which was novel enough. The target range was about as simple as one could ask, large white cardboard panels with black tank silhouettes painted on them, and they were set at fixed, known ranges. Many of his gunners had never fired a live round since leaving gunnery school—such was the current level of training in the Russian Army, the general fumed.

Then he fumed some more. He watched one particular tank, firing at a target an even thousand meters away. It should have been mere spitting distance, but as he watched, first one, then two more, of the tracer rounds missed, all falling short, until the fourth shot hit high on the painted turret shape. With that feat accomplished, the tank shifted aim to a second target at twelve hundred meters and missed that one twice, before achieving a pinwheel in the geometric center of the target.

“Nothing wrong with that,” Aliyev said next to him.

“Except that the tank and the crew were all dead ninety seconds ago!” Bondarenko observed, followed by a particularly vile oath. “Ever see what happens when a tank blows up? Nothing left of the crew but sausage! Expensive sausage.”

“It’s their first time in a live-fire exercise,” Aliyev said, hoping to calm his boss down. “We have limited practice ammunition, and it’s not as accurate as warshots.”

“How many live rounds do we have?”

Aliyev smiled. “Millions.” They had, in fact, warehouses full of the things, fabricated back in the 1970s.

“Then issue them,” the general ordered.

“Moscow won’t like it,” the colonel warned. Warshots were, of course, far more expensive.

“I am not here to
please
them, Andrey Petrovich. I am here to
defend
them.” And someday he’d meet the fool who’d decided to replace the tank’s loader crewman with a machine. It was slower than a soldier, and removed a crewman who could assist in repairing damage. Didn’t engineers ever consider that tanks were actually supposed to go into battle? No, this tank had been designed by a committee, as all Soviet weapons had been, which explained, perhaps, why so many of them didn’t work—or, just as badly, didn’t protect their users. Like putting the gas tank inside the doors of the BTR armored personnel carrier. Who ever thought that a crewman might want to bail out of a damaged vehicle and perhaps even survive to fight afoot? The tank’s vulnerability had been the very first thing the Afghans had learned about Soviet mobile equipment ... and how many Russian boys had burned to death because of it?
Well,
Bondarenko thought,
I have a new country now, and Russia does have talented engineers, and in a few years perhaps we can start building weapons worthy of the soldiers who carry them.

“Andrey, is there anything in our command which does work?”

“That’s why we’re training, Comrade General.” Bondarenko’s service reputation was of an upbeat officer who looked for solutions rather than problems. His operations officer supposed that Gennady Iosifovich was overwhelmed by the scope of the difficulties, not yet telling himself that however huge a problem was, it had to be composed of numerous small ones which
could
be addressed one at a time. Gunnery, for example. Today, it was execrable. But in a week it would be much better, especially if they gave the troops real rounds instead of the practice ones. Real “bullets,” as soldiers invariably called them, made you feel like a man instead of a schoolboy with his workbook. There was much to be said for that, and like many of the things his new boss was doing, it made good sense. In two weeks, they’d be watching more tank gunnery, and seeing more hits than misses.

CHAPTER 40

Fashion Statements

S
o, George?” Ryan asked.

“So, it’s started. Turns out there are a ton of similar contracts coming due for the next season or something, plus Christmas toy contracts,” SecTreas told his President. “And it’s not just us. Italy, France, England,
everybody’s
bugging out on them. The Chinese have made huge inroads into that industry, and they pissed off a lot of people in the process. Well, the chicken hasn’t so much come home to roost as it’s flown the coop, and that leaves our friends in Beijing holding the bag. It’s a big bag, Jack. We’re talking billions here.”

“How badly will that hurt them?” SecState asked.

“Scott, I grant you it seems a little odd that the fate of a nation could ride on Victoria’s Secret brassieres, but money is money. They need it, and all of a sudden there’s a big hole in their current account. How big? Billions. It’s going to make a hell of a bellyache for them.”

“Any actual harm?” Ryan asked.

“Not my department, Jack,” Winston answered. “That’s Scott.”

“Okay.” Ryan turned his head to look at his other cabinet member.

“Before I can answer that, I need to know what net effect this will have on the Chinese economy.”

Winston shrugged. “Theoretically, they could ride this out with minimal difficulties, but that depends on how they make up the shortfall. Their national industrial base is an incredibly muddled hodgepodge of private- and state-owned industries. The private ones are the efficient ones, of course, and the worst of the state-owned industries belong to their army. I’ve seen analyses of PLA operations that look like something out of
MAD
magazine, just impossible to credit on first reading. Soldiers don’t generally know much about making things—they’re better at breaking them—and tossing Marxism into the mix doesn’t exactly help the situation. So, those ‘enterprises’ piss away vast quantities of cash. If they shut those down, or just cut them back, they could kiss this little shortfall off and move on—but they won’t.”

“That’s right,” Adler agreed. “The Chinese People’s Liberation Army has a lot of political clout over there. The party controls it, but the tail wags the dog to a considerable extent. There’s quite a bit of political and economic unrest over there. They need the army to keep things under control, and the PLA takes a big cut off the top of the national treasure because of that.”

“The Soviets weren’t like that,” POTUS objected.

“Different country, different culture. Keep that in mind.”

“Klingons,” Ryan muttered, with a nod. “Okay, go on.”

Winston took the lead. “We can’t predict the impact this will have on their society without knowing how they’re going to react to the cash shortfall.”

“If they squeal when it starts to hurt, what do we do?” Ryan asked next.

“They’re going to have to make nice, like reinstating the Boeing and Caterpillar orders, and doing it publicly.”

“They won‘t—they can’t,” Adler objected. “Too much loss of face. Asian mind-set. That won’t happen. They might offer us concessions, but they’ll have to be hidden ones.”

“Which is not politically acceptable to us. If I try to take
that
to Congress, first they’ll laugh at me, then they’ll crucify me.” Ryan took a sip of his drink.

“And they won’t understand why you can’t tell Congress what to do. They think you’re a strong leader, and therefore you’re supposed to make decisions on your own,” EAGLE informed his President.

“Don’t they know
anything
about how our government works?” POTUS asked.

“Jack, I’m sure they have all sorts of experts who know more about the constitutional process than I do, but the Politburo members are not required to listen to them. They come from a very different political environment, and that’s the one they understand. For us ‘the people’ means popular opinion, polls, and ultimately elections. For them, it means the peasants and workers who are supposed to do what they’re told.”

“We do business with these people?” Winston asked the ceiling.

“It’s called realpolitik, George,” Ryan explained.

“But we can’t pretend they don’t exist. There’s over a billion of them, and, oh, by the way, they also have nuclear weapons, on ballistic launchers, even.” Which added a decidedly unpleasant element to the overall equation.